The Baltic Sea has always played a vital part in the history of Poland. In the light of the resolutions of the Yalta Conference, Poland’s boarders were shifted, including Western Pomerania in its territory. In 1945 Kołobrzeg was the most severely destroyed city on that territory. The city was either already ablaze or set on fire by German gangs active at that time. All its pre-war functions were non-existent. The harbour was immobilized, the economic basis fell apart. The city was devoided of water, power and food delivery was problematic. The newly-arrived Polish settlers perceived Kołobrzeg as a tragic and overwhelming image of a “dead city”. The area was dominated by debris, the stench of decomposing bodies of German soldiers and looters arriving from central Poland. The Wehrwolf pursued sabotages and the most terrifying Red Army committed crime and rapes. In the light of the population records and files of the Registry Office the inflow of people was rather slow during the first months, only to increase the pace in the following years. Many of them believed they would find employment rebuilding the city or in the harbour. The settlers had long been insecure about the temporary character of Poland in Western Pomerania and on the Baltic coast.
The repatriation of Poles after World War II, despite its flaws, which caused its implementation not possible until 1949, at that period was possible only with the support of the Soviet Union. The international situation and the political situation in China in late forties made USSR only possible link between polish government and Manchuria, and a potential ally, which had measures to help in its organization. It was a pragmatic decision based on the possibilities and conditions. The central soviet authorities had an established communication with his consulate, adequate infrastructure for the transit of returnees and already developed basis of Polish-Soviet agreement on its terms. Only the change of the political situation after the establishment of Peoples Republic of China has allowed the Polish authorities to avoid additional costs and delays, which ware considerable disadvantages of the repatriation in cooperation with the Soviet Union.
Mixed couples, as one of the determinants of breaking distance of historical, cultural, psychological and social nature, trespass the fundamental principles that separate a group from the “Other”. This otherness makes the couples of this type evoke social attitudes of integration or isolation. A relationship is seen as mixed when the difference between the partners is considered significant by them or by the local community. When one speaks about everyday life of Polish-German couples living at the new north-western border of Poland after 1945, an important factor in their formation, i.e. the historical events of World War II and the sense of temporariness until the western Polish border was settled in 1950, cannot be overlooked. After 1945 mixed couples were an important part of the image of the border area, also integrating the Polish community with the remaining Germans. They formed the part of the first generation of such couples, which encompasses the years 1945–1971, the opening of the border with East Germany in 1972 gave rise to the second generation, which lasted until 1989, while accession of Poland to the European Union marks the end of the third generation. In our text we shall only focus on three aspects of everyday life, i.e. the formation of the German-Polish relationships, negative contacts with the surrounding environment and problems with authorities.
In the following article the author discussed the form of research and the central effects of a doctor’s project about four smaller party-blocks in the last years of the DDR. The citizens and members of all five party blocks, also SED, demanded between summer 1986 and November 1989 political and economic reforms in the DDR, referring to Gorbatschow’s glasnost’ and perestroika and under the dynamical influence of the social processes in Poland, Hungary, Yugoslavia and Romania. The parties’ members issued critical statements about social deficits within the socialistic system which were relayed to the party leaders with different intensity. The dissertation shall provide answers concerning assumed impulses for the DDR-reformation from the party-blocks even without the citizens’ initiatives and the political engagement of the churches. T he a rticle d iscussed the developments of CDU(D), LDP(D), NDPD and DBD since 1980ies and described their positioning within the political and economic system of the DDR.
The article concerns a case study in the times of Enlightment. In that time the traditional class system has been questioned. The aim of the article was the description of a polemic between Bützow, a court clerk from Greifswald and the Swedish government in Stralsund in 1782 and its historical context. The dispute concerned the question, whether during the national mourning the clerks might put on the relatively cheap lacy cuffs at mourners’ sleeves. The main source for the analysis were files with the number 252 from the state archives in Greifswald. In the Swedish Pomerania, similar to many other places in Europe, and also on the empire’s territory the lacy cuffs were an attribute of nobility and of chosen court officials. The general governor of the Swedish Pomerania guaranteed in 1751 with an issued law the nobility the right to put them on as a symbol of mourning without specification, if the officials also be entitled to wear them. He created therefore an interpretation gap which Bützow tried to use for his aims. The fact that Bützow did not succeed and even had to apologize for his behaviour proves the stability of the traditional class system in the Swedish Pomerania at the end of the 18th century.
The article discusses the problem of province and smaller cities/towns within general political and social changes in critical times of Communists’ Poland and the role played by smaller communities in the occuring changes. The Author states that the influence range of central changes in the Communists’ party PZPR and other state organs in Warsow had a weaker feedback on the province and their regional pendants. The same concerned vivid social workers’ and independence movements, strikes and different struggles. The neighbourhood of two big centres: Szczecin and Gdańsk, the craddle of „Solidarność”, have had a rather low-rated effect on the changes in Koszalin (mainly influenced by Szczecin) and Słupsk (mainly influenced by Gdańsk) region. The both centres were active clusters of oppositional movements. Between them, as Marciniak stated, existed in the years 1956–1981 a precipice, a ‘sociological vacuum’, conditioned mainly by a lack of strong academic, intellectual and religious circles.