The Reduction of Economic Dualism of Mazowieckie Voivodeship in 2007-2015 Using Regional Operation Programme for the Mazowieckie Voivodeship 2007-2013.The existence of social and economic dualism is widely discussed in numerous regions of Poland and Europe. This results from the natural structure of a region, which usually consists of one or two growth centres and peripheral areas. It leads to the emergence of inequalities, which cause a political pressure to redistribute income in order to ensure sustainable development. This discussion is particularly important in the Mazovian Voivodeship. Thus, the purpose of this study is to develop the existing findings concerning the social and economic dualism of the region. The main aim specified in the Voivodeship Development Strategy is to eliminate spatial inequalities. This paper is an attempt to broaden the knowledge on reducing the dualism in the voivodeship resulting from the implementation of the Regional Operational Programme for the Mazovian Voivodeship 2007-2013, which was one of the most crucial development tools. The analysis was conducted in terms of territory, sectors and the labour market.
W artykule przedstawiono zarys funkcjonowania oraz ewolucję unijnego systemu handlu uprawnieniami do emisji gazów cieplarnianych (EU ETS – European Union Emissions Trading System). Od 2005 r. jest on podstawowym instrumentem polityki energetyczno-klimatycznej Unii Europejskiej. Zaprezentowano wniosek ustawodawczy Komisji Europejskiej z 15 lipca 2015 r. w sprawie zmiany dyrektywy o systemie handlu uprawnieniami do emisji oraz proces jego legislacji. Zgodnie z wnioskiem wytyczne Rady Europejskiej co do roli EU ETS w osiąganiu założeń dotyczących ograniczania emisji gazów cieplarnianych do 2030 r. miałyby stać się wiążące. Proponowane zmiany miałyby także sprzyjać innowacjom i wykorzystaniu technologii niskoemisyjnych, dzięki czemu powstałyby nowe możliwości w zakresie zatrudnienia i wzrostu gospodarczego. Jednocześnie utrzymane miałyby zostać niezbędne środki chroniące konkurencyjność przemysłu w Europie. Omówiono istotne poprawki wprowadzone do wniosku przez komisje Parlamentu Europejskiego: Komisję Przemysłu, Badań Naukowych i Energii (ITRE – Committee on Industry, Research and Energy) oraz Komisję Ochrony Środowiska Naturalnego, Zdrowia Publicznego i Bezpieczeństwa Żywności (ENVI – Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety) oraz polskie priorytety negocjacyjne. Polska stoi na stanowisku, że należy powrócić do ustaleń podjętych przez Radę Europejską 23 i 24 października 2014 r. Zapisy konkluzji dają wyraźne pole do działania państwom – beneficjentom i to bezwzględnie musi zostać zachowane. Nie można w jakikolwiek sposób podważać ich kompetencji w zakresie wyboru wykorzystywanej struktury paliwowej, stawiając niektóre technologie w gorszej pozycji poprzez manipulacje kryteriami wyboru. Poddano analizie potencjalny wpływ zmian w dyrektywie o EU ETS na sytuację gospodarczą i społeczną Polski po 2020 roku. Sytuację państwa polskiego ukazano na tle całej Wspólnoty. Podkreślono, że coraz częściej polityka klimatyczno-energetyczna Unii Europejskiej postrzegana jest w kategoriach szans, a nie zagrożeń.
The aim of this paper is to show importance of european cohesion policy on development trajectories of Polish regions after accession to EU in 2004. Following issues are tackled in paper: territorial elements of new paradigm of EU regional policy, evidence of EU assistance to less developed regions in Poland, cohesion patterns in Poland, impact of European cohesion policy on trajectories development of polish regions.
This article investigates two interesting phenomena which exist within the framework of the European Union (EU) integration process, i.e. “social dumping” and “letterbox companies”. Taking into account recent EU legislative changes and commentaries in the available legal literature, it contends that the EU’s institutions and its Member States are aware of some negative effects that these phenomena may have for attaining one of the EU’s basic aims, that of a “highly competitive social market economy”, as provided in Article 3(3) (ex 2, as amended) of the Treaty on the European Union. The EU should be understood as being not only focused on the implementation of the Internal Market freedoms, but also the protection of social rights. “Social dumping”, and to a certain extent also “letterbox companies”, reduce the level of this protection. Posting of workers is a good example of an EU integration area where “social dumping” and “letterbox companies” occur on a quite large scale and create some real practical problems. If we can clearly understand the concepts underlying these phenomena and their possible relationships, it would be easier to find a solution to reduce their negative effect on the protection of social rights. This article researches these issues and presents possible solutions to problems they give rise to.
This article examines the process of the judicial Europeanization of the Polish Constitution. In Poland the judicial method of Europeanizing the Constitution is currently the primary way of adjusting constitutional norms to requirements resulting from EU law. The phenomenon of re-interpretation of constitutional provisions in light of the new and changing realities is a characteristic feature of contemporary constitutionalism. It has been a long time since most national constitutions have undergone significant textual changes. In Poland, the scope of judicial Europeanization of the Constitution is connected, to a great extent, with the inflexible procedure required for constitutional amendments. In this situation, these so-called “silent changes” of constitutional norms are the easiest and fastest way of reacting to requirements stemming from Poland’s EU membership. In the Polish case not only have the norms regarding the political system of the state changed, but also constitutional standards relating to the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms have undergone the process of the Europeanization. To some extent, these changes relate to procedural norms as well.
Most favoured nation (MFN) treatment and national treatment (NT) are two standards usually related to the general principle of non-discrimination. However, while the MFN treatment was undoubtedly and clearly defined already during the negotiation of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade in previous works and judgements of various international bodies, the NT standard needed to be clarified. An additional reason to concentrate on NT rules is that their content and scope may influence trade more than the scope of MFN granted. The concept of NT is also subject to relatively rare analysis in comparison with other aspects of regional trade agreements’ (RTA) rules which overlap with WTO law. The aim of this article is to analyse the scope and wording of the NT standard in various RTAs concluded by the European Union. In particular, it inquiries into the extent to which the NT clause remains universal across its different regional trade agreements, and examines the reasons (and consequences) for the differences, if any, in its formulation.
The paper presents the impact of the reformed EU ETS (Emission Trading Scheme – ETS in the European Union) on the currently operating market for trading in CO2 emission allowances. The new Directive introduced a number of changes aimed at tightening the climate policy, which the Polish energy sector based mainly on hard coal may mean an increase in the costs of electricity production, and thus an increase in the cost of the entire economy. The main goal of the changes is to achieve one of the objectives the European Union has set for itself, i.e. the reduction of CO2 emissions by 40% until the year 2030. These assumptions are the result of joint arrangements of the EU countries under the Paris Agreement on climate change adopted in 2015. The Directive introduces a new market stability reserve mechanism (MSR) which, according to its assumptions, is designed to ensure a demand and supply balance of the ETS. Bearing the balance in mind, it means the reduction of excess allowances, which, although their number is decreasing, it is decreasing to slowly according to EU legislators, still oscillating around 2 billion EUA. The paper also draws attention to the rigorous assumptions adopted in the new Directive, aimed at increasing the price of CO2, that is the costs in electricity production. Due to manually-controlled prices, are we doomed to high CO2 prices and therefore the prices of electricity? What are its estimated maximum levels? Will the new assumptions encourage the Member States to switch to lowcarbon technologies? Can they weaken the economies of countries that are currently based mainly on coal energy sources, and strengthen countries where green energy is developed?
Strategic Choices of EU cohesion policy post 2020 in light of the European Commission programming documents. The aim of this study is to evaluate the conceptualization of European cohesion policy in the next programming period of the European Union and in the European financial perspective 2020+. Special attention has been paid to documents of European Commission, which is the leading institution in the dialogue of various stakeholders on this subject. It has been also described the unique significance of European cohesion policy for the socio-economic development of Poland (after the accession in 2004 and in the coming years). Against this background the most important assumptions of Poland's negotiating position has been determined as well as the necessary changes in the regional policy model in Poland.Strategic Choices of EU cohesion policy post 2020 in light of the European Commission programming documents. The aim of this study is to evaluate the conceptualization of European cohesion policy in the next programming period of the European Union and in the European financial perspective 2020+. Special attention has been paid to documents of European Commission, which is the leading institution in the dialogue of various stakeholders on this subject. It has been also described the unique significance of European cohesion policy for the socio-economic development of Poland (after the accession in 2004 and in the coming years). Against this background the most important assumptions of Poland's negotiating position has been determined as well as the necessary changes in the regional policy model in Poland.
This article seeks to explore whether the EU system of fundamental rights protection allows room for constitutional pluralism. By looking at recent developments in the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (the Court of Justice), it is submitted that the Court has answered that question in the affirmative, thereby respecting the diversity of the cultures and traditions of the peoples of Europe as well as their national identities. The application of the Charter does not rule out a cumulative application of fundamental rights. That being said, pluralism is not absolute, but must be weighed against the indivisible and universal values on which the European Union is founded. Logically, the question that arises is how we order pluralism. In this regard, I shall argue that it is not for the Court of Justice to decide when an EU uniform standard of fundamental rights protection is to replace (or coexist with) national standards. That decision is for the EU political institutions to adopt, since they enjoy the necessary democratic legitimacy to determine the circumstances under which the exercise of a fundamental right is to be limited for reasons of public interest. However, this deference to the EU political branches does not mean that EU legislative decisions are immune from judicial review. On the contrary, cases such as Schwarz and Digital Rights demonstrate that the Court of Justice is firmly committed to examining whether those legislative choices comply with primary EU law, and notably with the Charter. In this regard, when interpreting the provisions of the Charter, the Court of Justice – in dialogue with national courts and, in particular, constitutional courts – operates as the guarantor of the rule of law within the EU, of which fundamental rights are part and parcel. It is thus for those courts to make sure that each and every EU citizen enjoys a sphere of individual liberty which must, as defined by the Charter, remain free from public interferences.