This study is focused on scholarship on proper names within a sociolinguistic framework. The main aim of this study is to clarify the term socio-onomastics and its meaning and usage with regards to toponomastics. Special attention is paid to the genesis of socio-onomastics and to the relations between sociolinguistics, onomastics and socio-onomastics. The influence of social aspects on the act of naming and on the entire existence of names is also taken into consideration when discussing the use of socio-onomastics. The text discusses views and attitudes towards the topic presented in linguistic literature. The socio-onomastic aspects are predominantly studied in scholarship on personal names, e.g. name creation and choice. In the case of place names, they are studied more rarely and the research pays attention mostly to the usage of place names in communication. Available toponomastic and anthroponomastic works using the term socio-onomastics in their description have been analyzed, as well as theoretical onomastic literature, producing several findings of differences in the usage of this term. The main topics of socio-antroponomastic literature are anthroponymy of various social groups, social aspects of name choice, social aspects of the development of naming systems, popularity of names, nicknames, hypocorisms and slang naming. The socio-toponomastic works mainly deal with the toponymy of various social groups, toponymic competence (knowledge and usage of toponyms), non-standardized toponyms, slang toponyms, social-based toponyms (commemorative toponyms), social-based renaming, and the linguistic landscape.
In this paper, the issue of the correlation between the status of the onymic object, its social range and the general rules used when naming is considered. The author proposes to distinguish two basic levels of where the proper names function: a local one and a global one. Then, two particular patterns of naming are connected with these levels: an innovative pattern and a conservative pattern. The conservative names mostly refer to objects that are of social importance and have a general, wide range of functioning. On the other hand, innovative names generally refer to unstable objects that have a rather low social position, and a restricted, narrow range of functioning. Examples of both levels are analyzed, particularly the anthroponyms, toponyms and chrematonyms. The paper contains the argument, that more known conservative names have provided the characteristics of the prototypical proper name in general, and these characteristics are usually expanded to all proper names in their theoretical approaches.
The article discusses the monks’ names mentioned in the village register books of Kasina Wielka in the 17th and 18th century. The majority of them are the names of the priors of the Dominican monastery in Krakow and monks performing particular duties, for example stewards. There are 65 names of these kinds from a total of 89 male monastic names. All of them “had” a patron saint (except for Alan and Przecław). Only a few of them were also given to peasants. The names come from various languages and are interesting to study from the onomastic point of view.
The author of this article carries out an analysis of the evolution of the term ‘commemorative names’ in the aspect of municipal onomastics. She primarily researches how the scope of this term has changed and which name groups have been included with that term. Moreover, she researches how the commemorative names themselves have changed. She concludes that the names of symbolic motivation that refer to cultural competencies of their users do not form a homogenous group, but they differ in genetic and motivational terms. Thus, four such groups may be identified: 1. commemorative names bearing real meaning, 2. conventional discretionary names (honorifying), 3. commemorative-discretionary names referring to local heroes, places and events, 4. names resulting from the broadly understood ‘cultural memory’, commemorating ideas, values, literary and movie characters, titles, Slavonic mythology and Polish legends, faith in its various dimensions, literary trends, artistic styles, art, etc. All four groups have their dual functions in common: deictic and cultural.
In the article there are presented the most popular Jewish names selected from the municipal books of Grabowiec and fi les of city Grabowiec XVII and XVIII century. As a result of gathered materials it has been found that Jews adapted their names to the patterns existing on the area of residence. The formant –ko was especially popular. That formant was the most popular in Ukrainian antroponymy: Heszko, Icko, Judko, Lewko. To the most popular names used by Jews as Icko (17), Lewko (11), Marko (5), Moszko (4) the names of the origin of the Bible: Dawid (6), Juda (5), Aron (4), Boruch (3), Hebraic: Jakub (9), Chaim (5), Maier (4), Yiddish: Leyba (6), Zusman (3). can be added. Frequencies complement the variants of the specifi c names.
The paper presents a catalogue, with description, detailed map location and references to first publications, of new place names introduced mainly during the Polish Geodynamic Expeditions to West Antarctica, 1984-1991. In the South Shetland Islands, new place names were introduced in parts of King George Island and Deception Island (Some new names for Admiralty Bay, King George Island and Penguin Island, introduced prior to 1984 but not yet formally described, are also included here). In Antarctic Peninsula, new place names have been introduced at Hope Bay (Trinity Peninsula), Arctowski Peninsula-Andvord Bay (Danco Coast/Gerlache Strait) and Paradise Harbour (Danco Coast).
The article contains an analysis of the word formation of proper names which are used in the texts of advertisements. The analyzed examples are drawn from the texts of advertisements found on television, radio, press, the Internet etc. which were produced at the end of 20th century and the beginning of 21st century. The article analyses two categories of these proper names: word formations which are used in contemporary Polish language (f.e. Robuś, Marysia, Stefcia, Kasia, Jasio, Krzyś, Rozalka, Basia, Bartuś, Sabinka, Julka, Karinka, Tomek, Adaś, Goździkowa) and neologisms f.e. Zapobiegalska, Zarażalski, Kichalska, Krzywonogi, Przyklapiusz, Musztarderowie, TurboDymoMan, SuperEs, Zozolka, Łazienkowo). The analysis conducted in the article proves that both types of proper names, which are word formation derivatives, appear relatively often in the texts of advertisements. This is the case since they are easy to form (advertisements take the majority of them from usage) and can perform many functions, which advertisements willingly use for their own needs. Proper names that are word formation derivatives and just proper names serve mainly as an assessment as they connote the values appreciated both culturally and socially and the values attributed to proper names are carried on the advertised products. Proper names which are derivatives create a desired picture of advertised products more expressively than other proper names, thanks to their clear word formation structure. Moreover, they expose their commercial assets so they fully use and at the same time cocreate the system of values of consumption culture.
The article is dedicated to the analysis of ideologically meaningful proper names, mainly oikonyms, and also to the indication and description of the three main tendencies noticed in Ukrainian oikonyms from the end of 1989 until 2016, during the social and political transformations in Ukraine and the decommunization processes connected with it. Using examples, the authors illustrate the phenomenon of korenizatsiya (nativisation), namely the recovery of historical names from before sovietisation, allusiveness, ensuring a neutral nature for names by referring to objects outside the area of politics and ideology, as well as glorification, the honoring and memorializing of events, heroes, and symbols connected with the past and modern history of Ukraine.
The article presents the results of the analysis of “The Register of Ivan the Terrible’s oprichniki” – a document from the second half of the 16th century. It is precisely at this period that the present day three-part naming system: name – patronymic – surname was being established in Muscovy. The author attempts to prove that at this time the social status of a man could have been deduced from the formal exponents of his name: the number of its constituents, the structure of its patronymic, the fact that the name belongs to non-calendar or Christian names, and also from certain derivational markers.
The article presents 123 names of clothing in the village of Wójtowce in Podole. The collected material is divided into subgroups: names of head coverings, names of outerwear, names of underwear, names of footwear, names of shoes and their parts, names of accessories and parts of clothing, names of actions connected with clothing. Among the names of clothing there are both borrowings from the Ukrainian and/or Russian languages and Polish native words, including the words common for Polish and Ukrainian/Russian. The presented words are compared with certain Polish dialects in Ukraine (including unpublished material). In the described vocabulary Ukrainian and/or Russian borrowings constitute 37% while native Polish lexemes are predominant and make up 44%, words common for Polish and Ukrainian/Russian – 19%.
In the modern corpus of Croatian anthroponyms there are 30 personal names with the root bog (‛god’). An abundance of both published and unpublished historical sources used in this research allowed the authors to create a corpus of personal names suitable for the comparative analysis of frequency and incidence in historical sources. The continuity of the use of the root bog among Croats is presented through the analysis of historical anthroponymic records (from the oldest originating in the 11th century, to contemporary sources). The oldest available sources attest to the onset of interference and the blending of Slavic and Romanic ethnicities, foremost in coastal Dalmatian city communes. A limited frequency of these personal names was detected in the 16th century. The factors that led to this situation are not only connected to the decisions of the Council of Trent, which recommended general usage of Christian names, but can also be attributed to historical circumstances (incursion of Ottomans, subsequent migrations). Most of the 16th century attestations pertain to areas with a mixed Christian and Muslim population. In border areas, where Western states shared Eastern borders with the Ottoman Empire, the analysed attestations were quite rare. Due to constant migrations from the contact zones and the Ottoman Empire towards the interior of the Hungarian-Croatian Kingdom, these personal names were able to ”survive” the early modern period. At the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century, usage of folk names was more frequent, most probably as a consequence of the process of Croatian national revival.
The common layer of Jewish and Christian name systems consists of biblical names from the Old Testament. The comparison showing how these Old Testament names functioned in both faiths on Podlasie in 15th–16th centuries revealed a close connection between chosen names as well as their popularity over the centuries and cultural traditions formed by faith.
Scribes of the oldest part of the manuscript posted their names in two notes. In the fi rst note the final letter of the scribe’s name is seriously damaged. It is generally believed that his name was Mičьka (Мичька). The author proves that the scribe’s name is a derivative from the suffi x –ko (Mičьko). In the second note the name of the scribe is heavily damaged in the initial part, which results in a number of interpretations. According to the author’s studies the name of the scribe was Potamij (Потамий, gr. PÒtamoj).
This article deals with the name of the town Węgrów on the river Liwiec, whose name is based on the obscure hydronym Węgra Potok. This name is juxtaposed with another place name, Węgra, which is found near Przasnysz and is named after the river Węgra (today known as Węgierka), as well as other names beginning with wągr-||węgr-. The author challenges Witczak’s (2015) hypothesis that the name of Węgra comes from the Sudovian (Jatvingian, Yotvingian) language. The article raises historical, archaeological and geographical arguments that oppose the possibility of a Yotvingian influence in these regions. Consequently, the author contends that the place names have a Slavonic root, linked to the noun węgorz (a type of fish), or the meandering nature of both rivers. There is also a discussion of the name patok||potok (stream/brook).
The hydronym Szywra refers to the small river in the Warta basin flowing in the central part of Greater Poland. Although its name remained unclear for most of the researchers, it was believed to be of Pre-Slavic or Balto-Slavic origin. The paper reveals that these hypotheses were based on the wrong interpretation of the source material, and provides a new etymology for the name Szywra. Based on the critical analysis of all of the reachable records of names referring to the river Szywra, it has been proven that its Polish name is an adaptation of the former German name Schieferbach. Such a process was possible due to the long-term bilingual situation in the region of Greater Poland.
The topic of the article is a description of European urbonyms which fulfilled both political and commemorative roles in the past. The city names are presented in chronological order starting from ancient times to the 20th century. The ancient toponyms are related to the expansion of the Roman Empire, and the names of Roman emperors are used as a foundation for these toponyms. Such urbonyms created on the outskirts of the Roman Empire made reference to their new political allegiance and confirmed it. These naming practices therefore played an important role in the process of territorial expansion and the consolidation of political control. This naming model was also present in Byzantium, and became popular on the outskirts of medieval Ruthenia under the influence of the Byzantine Empire. The tradition of commemorating political rulers through toponyms stayed constant in the Eastern Slavic regions, and was continued by the Russian monarchy as well as the USSR. Such naming practices were initially used as a tool for the structural organisation of Kievan Rus’, and later to erase foreign names from these regions of Tsarist Russia. In Communist times, this tradition reaffirmed the new political reality through the use of surnames of political figures in toponyms. In the 20th century there was an increase in surnames featured in urbanonyms (the names of streets, squares, housing estates). This increase was meant to preserve the memory of remarkable individuals in society.
In the 20th century toponymy of the Kłodzko Land underwent serious changes, which with no doubt can be called a revolution. After 1945 and the displacement of the German population all the pre-war names were substituted with Polish ones, which, unfortunately, only rarely were connected with the former tradition, in some cases as old as the middle ages. Most of new names were introduced by a special commission whose main aim was to mark that the new areas gained by Poland after the World War II (the so called Regained Territories) were successfully taken into possession. However, many places and objects (some mountain tops, rock formations, springs, parts of villages) did not receive a name. In the next decades, new local communities started to accustom the mountainous landscape and independently gave names to various nameless (in Polish) places. Unfortunately, due to the depopulation of rural areas in the Kłodzko Land and other formal reasons, the process was quite slow. The main aim of the paper is not only to analyse those changes, but also to compare the numbers of names in chosen moments of the 20th century. For this purpose three types of maps in 1 : 25 000 scale were used: pre-war (German) “Meßtischblatt”, a Polish topographic map representing the situation at the beginning of the 1970s and, finally, the “Army topographic map” from the end of the 20th century. On the first map 531 geographical names were marked, on the second — only 225, and on the third — 277, which is still approximately half of the number before 1945.
The article directly and indirectly refers to anthropological and philosophical texts which strive to discover and present the gender factor as important in the light of the humanities. The author refers to “Literackie nie-nazywanie. Onomastykon polskiej prozy współczesnej” (Literary Not-naming. Onomasticon of the modern Polish prose) by Magdalena Graf and indicates the femininity factor as a relevant one also in onomastics.
This article addresses the issue of the interpretation of proper names in poetry. The state of research on the functions of proper names in literature is well described, but it is possible to note the lack of a fixed interpretation strategy in poetry which means that, despite little interest in poetry, its researchers often try to propose their own methods of analysis. The authors of the article, who tackle onyms in the poetry of Bruno Jasieński, present their own methodological approach to the matter, based on B. Waldenfels’ concept of the “phenomenology of the alien”.
The paper studies the work by Andrzej Urban entitled “Pamiętnik. Nasz ród, moja rodzina i moje przy niej losy” [A Diary. Our Kind, My Family and My Life with Them], a farmer from the Podkarpacie Region who was born in Lutcza. It was published twice, in 1936 and in 2015, and not only significantly enriched Polish diary literature, but also serves as a source for recently developing research into oral history. The analysis in this article is based on the second edition of the “Diary”, which repeats the text written by the author verbatim, with all its spelling, syntactic and stylistic imperfections. It is a precious piece of material for research for not only historians and sociologists, but also for linguists. The material basis for the article are numerous official and unofficial anthroponyms occurring in Urban’s narrative. These are authentic onyms that have mostly reference, informative and expressive functions. Their use, especially referring to generally known persons in the social micro- and macro-scale, has a positive effect on the authentication of the described events. They also characterise the author of the text indirectly, showing, for instance, his somewhat deep onymic awareness and historical knowledge.
The article analyzes the names given today to the children of inhabitants of Przemyśl — followers of Catholicism and Orthodoxy, at the same time showing their differences and similarities within both religions. In the same urban, communication and cultural community, Catholic and Orthodox live side by side (often for many generations). Despite everything, they to some extent retain their own identity (culture, traditions and customs), which also manifests itself in the names given to children. For a more complete picture of the situation, the names of the two older generations (parents and grandparents) were also presented.
This article is devoted to the official forms in the inflection of chosen toponyms in Poland and the variety of dialectal singular and plural place names. The variety of place names often diverges from the rules of language use, and causes language users problems. The toponyms have peculiar, locally used inflected forms; the outside-linguistic (non-linguistic) factors that are social and local factors, play an important role in the inflection of place names. The local population often uses other forms than those recommended by official sources. I focus my attention on the genitive forms of toponyms because it is mainly here that one can see clear variations in the official and local inflection of place names. The material shows that the singular masculine toponyms have genitive endings: -a (in the official variety), -u (in the local variety), for example Biłgoraj, gen. Biłgoraja, but in the local dialect: biłgoraju. The singular feminine place names have genitive endings: -ej (in the official variety), -y||-i (in the local variety): Brzezowa, gen. Brzezowej, but Brzezowy in the local dialect. The plural toponyms have genitive endings: -ø, -ów, -i (-y), but in the local circulation the ending -ów is dominant and demonstrates a wider expansion in use. For example Brzózki, gen. Brzózek, in the local variety Brzuskuf; Budy, official gen. Bud, but Buduf; Burnie, gen. Burni, in the local dialect: Burniuf. The gathered material reflects a hesitation in the inflection of toponyms, as the linguistic customs and presented dialectal records of forms of genit ives of place names show a significantly diverse approach towards the Polish language.
The study aims to contribute to research on the onomastic-stylistic diversity of Polish prose in the late 20th century. In focus are those onomastic properties of literature that reveal connections between names and language in the process of creating non-mimetic, literary-style fiction. These properties also point to the nature of proper names as they function in a literary work of art — that work being a post-modern intellectual-literary game. The names used in the novel (anthroponyms, toponyms, chrematonyms, also zoonyms) mainly derive from the author’s linguistic creativity: they contribute to the world-view projected through the text. That world-view is “purposefully and totally unusual”, different from the real world.
The main object of this article is to present the history of the establishing legal regulations in Poland concerning additional place names and other official signs in the languages of national minorities. This process has been always very difficult, because as it teaches the experience of many European countries, it affects issues related the national identity, the role of the national language in the state and the tradition of recognizing linguistic diversity in a given country. In the article, I will try to show that the introduction of such regulations in Poland has been with the one hand an important, perhaps even historical, change in the functioning of the Polish society and administration which consisted of official admission of other languages into the public sphere thus violating the dominant tradition of Polish language dominance in the country. From the other hand, the presence of a minority place-names indicates a change in the way in which minority groups publicly present their ethnic identities. It takes place not only through maintaining national cultures and learning the mother tongue but also through increased visual presence in the public sphere.
Geographical names are extremely helpful in giving evidence of early settlements and their inhabitants due to their solid anchorage in the landscape, even in the case of population changes. Through the investigation of these place names, information can be gathered not only on the name giver, but also on the settlers who took on the names later on. Therefore, it is considered that any linguistic investigation has to start from the river and place names of a region. The utilization of geographical names yields the following findings: — The centre of Old Slavic names is situated on the northern slope of the Carpathian Mountains, approximately between Bukovina and Krakow; it is based on a substrate of older, Indo-European hydronyms. — The expansion of the East Slavic tribes bypasses the Pripyat Marshes and extends further through Central Russia and especially to the North and the East. — West Slavic settlers reach their new settlement areas through migration from Bohemia and further on to Saxonia and Thuringia, and also through Western Poland to Brandenburg and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. — The migration of the South Slavs takes place in two big, yet separate flows, on the one hand through the Moravian Gate to Slovenia, Hungary and Croatia, and on the other hand on the Eastern edge of the Carpathian Mountains to Serbia and Bulgaria.