The article contains considerations on the historical evolution of globalization in the context of the rivalry between two basic concepts of economic system: pro-state option and pro-market option. The author assumes that globalization is a permanent feature of human aspirations. In the beginning of modern era it was interlocked with the alternating dominance of pro-market and pro-state tendencies, and it continues to appear in the same form until present times. The liberal economic thought has expressed these opposition in the state versus market formula. Over the last five centuries there have been five stages of alternating dominance of pro-market and pro-state forces, connected with globalization. First was the mercantilism with the significant role of state, and its antithesis was the XIX-century free-competition capitalism. Two last stages – the neo-liberalism dating from 1980 to 2008 and its antithesis from 2009 to 2019 – have been presented in detail. The previous stages are shown only as historical background. The analysis is preceded by the outline of a theoretical model of globalization connected with the alternating dominance of pro-state and pro-market tendencies, which can be seen as value added to the legacy of economic thought devoted to the relationship between market and state.

Late, unlike heavy, modernity until now has been devoid of any radical project for the future. It rather makes people use a rose‑tinted past to cope with future‑oriented anxieties. Solidarity’s desire for heavy modernity demonstrates that this sickness has been around for a long time. In what ways were the people of Solidarity nostalgic, and how did modernity’s global crisis reinvigorate the “desirable heaviness of being”? “The desirable heaviness of being” depicts the phenomenon of nostalgia for postwar heavy modernity within the early Solidarity movement. The theory of post‑socialist nostalgia highlights the importance of nostalgia for the future‑oriented past of heavy modernity in appraising the system during the Solidarity period. The interplay between Solidarity, late state socialism, and the crisis of heavy modernity exemplifies Eastern Europe’s interactions with globalising economies before and after 1989. The recollections of the August Strike as well as the Solidarity trade union’s programme provide examples for the longing. The links between state socialism and the global crisis of modernity shed light on current reasons for nostalgia, which may be of interest to “rescue history”.

The Author presents in this paper a concept of research on the Jewish ethos internalized in the groups representing main political trends that were popular among the Polish Jewry in the interwar Poland (1918-1939). These trends are: Zionism, Socialism, Folkizm and a policy of Assimilation. Analysis of above group's ethos covers research on the following issues: values and attitudes constituting the ethos of a specific group, sources and function of the ethos and instruments of communication used in transmission of the ethos.

In the article, the author analyzes the phenomenon of adapting Bogdan Suchodolski's pedagogy to changing political circumstances several times: from his fascination with mainstream politics in the 1930s, through intensive practice of Marxist and socialist pedagogy after World War II, to universal humanism and tragic humanism in the 1970s and 80s. Following R. Englert, the author calls this adaptability of pedagogy to political changes “pedagogical cairology”.

Roger Scruton repudiates the idea that civil liberty is a natural and unconditionally desirable state of citizenry, while subjection is something degrading and unnatural. He characterizes the conservative political system as a ‘rule by institutions’ supported by a theory of nature and a theory describing the functioning of institutions. National politics results from operations of social and political institutions which have grown out of traditional arrangements, respect raison d’État, and are governed by offices. The author argues that this is a sound interpretation of essential political arrangements, if it can solve the problem of political reconstruction after a period of decline or disintegration. As a matter of fact Scruton offers such a solution in his analysis of various forms of liberalism, one of which he seems to identify with conservatism.