It is difficult to give an unambiguous answer for the question presented in the title. J.B. Glubb considered himself to be a friend of Arabs and the Arab issue. At the same time he was a loyal officer of the British Army. He did not see any contradiction in this. J.B. Glubb began his work in the Transjordan Emirate in 1931. In the beginning he commanded the border guard made of Bedouins and since 1939 the whole army of Transjordan, namely the Arab Legion. During World War II he considerably developed these armed forces. In 1946 Transjordan gained independence. Despite this J.B. Glubb maintained his command over the Arab Army until 1956. In 1948 he commanded the army during the conflict with Israel that was coming into being. During his military service he attempted to care about the interests of the House of Hashimites. Basically, he associated the Arab issue with the interests of this house. He believed that it was possible to permanently combine Arab interests viewed in that perspective with the influence of the British in the Middle East. Such reasoning turned out to be an absolute misconception. The officer was becoming more and more hated by a large part of Arabs. For many he was a symbol of being enslaved by the British. His reasoning of the Arab issue was becoming an anachronism. Eventually, he became a nuisance also for the Hashimites. Therefore, in march 1956 young king Husayn took the command from him and removed him from Jordan. Despite such ending of his military and political career one must admit that he was one of more interesting figures of the late British Empire.

Based on a study of Polish migrants living in England and Scotland, this paper explores how Polish families who have decided to bring up their children in the UK make initial school choices. The Polish parents taking part in our study generally had low levels of social and cultural capital (Bourdieu 1986) upon arrival in the UK: they had limited networks (predominantly bonding capital) (Putnam 2000) and a poor command of English, and lacked basic knowledge of the British education system. Meanwhile, this is a highly complex system, very much different from the Polish one; moreover, school choice plays a much more important role within the UK system, especially at the level of secondary education. We found that while some parents acted as ‘disconnected choosers’ (Gewirtz, Ball and Bowe 1995) follow-ing the strategy they would use in Poland and simply enrolling their children in the nearest available school, others attempted to make an informed choice. In looking for schools, parents first and foremost turned to co-ethnic networks for advice and support; nevertheless, parents who attempted to make an informed choice typically lacked ‘insider knowledge’ and often held misconceptions about the British education system. The one feature of the system Polish parents were very much aware of, however, was the existence of Catholic schools; therefore, religious beliefs played a key role in school choice among Polish parents (with some seeking and others avoiding Catholic schools). The ‘active choosers’ also made choices based on first impressions and personal beliefs about what was best for their child (e.g. in terms of ethnic composition of the school) or allowed their children to make the choice. Parents of disabled children were most restricted in exercising school choice, as only certain schools cater for complex needs. All in all, the Polish parents in our sample faced similar barriers to BME (Black Minor-ity Ethnic) parents in exercising school choice in the UK and, regardless of their own levels of education, their school selection strategies resembled those of the British working class rather than of the middle class. However, the risk of ‘bad’ initial school choice may be largely offset by a generally strong pref-erence for Catholic schools and parents’ high educational ambitions for their children.

The article compares and evaluates the conceptions of two American historical sociologists in reference to the historical change which took place in the XVI-XIX-century England.

A novel stratigraphical scheme within the Folge Concept is described for the Cenomanian Chalk of England that is particularly suitable for investigating the regional changes in the lithofacies, diagenesis, geochemistry, and mineralogy of the sediments of the Chalk Sea leading up to the Cenomanian–Turonian Oceanic Anoxic Event. It is based on “isochronous” marker bands defined largely by calcitic macrofossil assemblages, and it avoids problems caused by the poor or non-preservation of ammonite assemblages and lateral changes in chalk lithofacies. Eight folgen are based on one, two, or more marker bands. Their sequences, lithologies and calcitic macrofossil assemblages are described from 33 exposures in the Northern Chalk Province of England. The folgen are named, in ascending order, the Belchford, Stenigot, Dalby, Bigby, Candlesby, Nettleton, Louth and Flixton, after villages in Lincolnshire and Yorkshire, England. The folgen are traced throughout the Transitional and Southern Chalk provinces of England. They are present in the Cenomanian chalk of northern Germany and northwest France. Regionally, an individual folge may display considerable vertical and lateral variation in general lithology and lithofacies whilst still maintaining their defining marker bands. The possibility of further refinement to the scheme is discussed.