Employers signal difficulties in sourcing technically-educated staff. They often engage, though to a limited degree, in cooperation with vocational schools to mitigate this difficulty. One of the reasons for the limited involvement of enterprises in cooperation with schools is the difficulty in assessing the benefits that it may bring. The aim of the study in the article was to develop and initially verify a model for evaluating the results of supporting secondary technical schools by manufacturing enterprises. The article features a multiple case study using several types of interviews, a distributed questionnaire and an analysis of secondary sources. The study was conducted in cooperation with four large manufacturing enterprises. The result of the research is a more thorough understanding of the possibilities and limitations in evaluating the results of support for schools. This support should translate in enterprises into more effective and efficient management of the competences of the future.

The article explores megatrends in management, related to the transition to digital technologies in all spheres of the economy and production in the COVID-19 pandemic. The main contribution to the analysis of the current state of digitalization HR in business. The possibilities of a set of processes and methods of interaction with information in the formation of a strategy of people’s management, are investigated. This is achieved through the use of integrated mobile applications and the automation of HR processes. From the results, the methodology for determining the severity of competences, indicators of behavior are proposed, the strengths and weaknesses of the company’s staff management system in the COVID-19 conditions are taken into account. The practical usability of work is due to the proposed competency-based approach, which makes it possible to increase the efficiency of personnel selection, taking into account key macro-competencies that find an applied form through appropriate behavioral indicators.

The principle of nullum crimen sine lege expresses an old idea that only the law can prescribe a particular act as punishable. It is commonly understood as a requirement of sufficient definiteness of an offence, in particular – of a statutory description of an offence before it has been committed (lex scripta, lex praevia), and of clarity and precision in criminal provisions so as to enable an individual to conform with them (lex certa), as well as their strict interpretation (lex stricta). Nowadays the principle is an internationally recognized human right to foreseeable criminalization, guaranteed by, inter alia, Article 7 of the European Convention on Human Rights. However, the European Court of Human Rights seems to formulate two slightly different requirements on its basis, namely that the application of criminal law must be foreseeable for an individual and coherent with the “essence of an offence”. One may question whether this can serve as an adequate “shield” from arbitrariness on the part of State authorities. Nevertheless, the core aim of such a flexible approach is not to promote legal security for potential perpetrators, but to achieve better protection of human rights in general.

In this study defense responses in three potato varieties with different levels of reaction to the late blight disease caused by Phytophthora infestans were analyzed after inoculation with the pathogen. In the resistant cv. Pastusa Suprema, increased intensity of H2O2 and callose deposit accumulation was observed beginning at 24 hours after inoculation, followed by a hypersensitive response at the inoculation points. In the moderately resistant cv. Diacol-Monserrate, the same responses were observed as in the resistant variety, but with less intensity over time. For the susceptible cv. Diacol-Capiro, the responses observed occurred later than in the other two varieties, subsequent to the advance of the pathogen over extensive necrotic areas. These results suggest that early, intense peroxide and callose accumulation and a hypersensitive response are associated with the observed resistance of the cv. Pastusa Suprema and cv. Diacol-Monserrate to P. infestans.

Following the so-called “special military operation”, which was in fact an open aggression against Ukraine, Russia was expelled from the Council of Europe. This step has significant legal consequences, including for the jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights. Meanwhile, many individual applications were filed with the Court, and Ukraine brought an inter-State complaint against Russia. Ukraine has also triggered the International Court of Justice. The Court has already ordered provisional measures. The ICC Prosecutor has launched an investigation into the most serious international crimes, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide in Ukraine and delivered arrest warrants against the Russian President and his Commissioner for Children’s Rights. There is a serious discussion going on concerning the establishment of a special tribunal for the crime of aggression. This text deals with some aspects of the Russian “special military operation” cases before international courts. It attempts to identify what role the international courts may play in the new phase of the conflict in Ukraine and the extent and effect of their intervention, given the jurisdictional limitations and the inability to enforce judgments.

This article provides an overview of “memory laws” in Europe, reflecting upon what may be called the “asymmetry” of such laws. It then looks at the special case of Poland and its troubled experience with memory laws; it considers the question of whether, in the eyes of the law – genocide, and in particular the Holocaust – is so “special” that its public denials warrant legal intervention. It also looks at the case law of the European Court of Human Rights and its (not necessarily coherent) “doctrine” on memory laws and their consistency, or otherwise, with the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (and in particular with freedom of expression as laid down in Art. 10). The article concludes by asserting that even if we take the law as an indicator of European public memory, there is no consensus on the past, except perhaps for the special case of the Holocaust. The main challenge lies in determining whether memory laws, defined by some as social engineering and the imposition of “imperative” versions of memory, are consistent with the principles inherent in open, democratic and free societies in Europe. This challenge remains unmet.