The East of Europe stays at present on the background of interests in the new architecture. Meanwhile Moscow is a major city of Europe and there many interesting implementations are occurring. For her the office market intensively is being extended, at least in contrast with countries of the free market democracy, it is playing the political factor there major part. From interesting implementations they mentioned the Moscow International Business Centre as about the big urban planning operation and about Dominion Building Office as about interesting Zaha Hadid work.

In this paper reflection on the research legacy, especially in the subject of the Polish and Russian intelligentsia, by Andrzej Walicki is undertaken. The following issues were accepted as the source of inspiration for discussion about specificity of the intelligentsia and its present calling: interdependence between intellectual and moral researcher’s growth and the topics he investigates, individual freedom in the light of liberal values, ideological quests of the Polish and Russian intelligentsia, the motives for initiation Poland‑Russia dialogue inspired and conducted by their intellectual elites, on the basis of their typological similarity. The problem of creative power of words and using them as a tool for protecting the space of individual freedom is discussed from the angle of the triad: „words – deeds – values”, suggested by Walicki in his research paper.

The article discusses a few fi lm portraits of Tadeusz Kościuszko and his fi ght against the tsar’s Russia.

The article presents changes introduced in the Russian military and civic jurisdiction with respect to duels of honour from the eighteenth century through the beginning of the twentieth century. All legal regulations passed during this period are discussed, concentrating on the system of punishments, types of courts, defi nitions of duels as a crime, as well as the everyday procedures of courts in these matters. The question of the socio-cultural specifi city of duels in the Tsarist army, ways of their organisation, and the goals of participants are discussed as well.

The article presents an analysis of Russia’s participation in international steam coal trade, which has been its important participant for years. The research covered the years 2014–2018. The geographical location on two continents and the availability of coal deposits, favors its presence on both the Pacific and Atlantic markets. The article also discusses the main coal producers in Russia and the prices of Russian steam coal directed to the spot market. Due to the significant share of coal exports for the Russian economy, the focus was also on analyzing Russian seaports.

In recent years, Asian exports have dominated in Russian steam coal exports. The share of export to this market in the years 2014–2018 was in the range of 49–57% (60–87 million tons). Currently, three countries play an important role among Asian countries: South Korea, China and J apan. They purchased a total of 38–52 million tons of Russian coal. Although in the years under analysis Russia exported 52–67 million tons of steam coal to the European market, the share of this market dropped from almost half to around 40%. T he slow departure from coal energy contributes to reducing the share of recipients from this direction. Among European countries, in 2014 the main direction of export was Great Britain with 19% (24 million tons) of total export share. In 2018, exports fell to 9 million tons (5%).

Among European destinations for Russian coal, Poland’s share is growing in importance. In the years 2014–2018, steam coal exports to Poland varied in the range of 5.6–16.2 million tons. In the years 2014–2018 it changed in the range of 5.6–16.2 million tons. The dynamic growth achieved in the last three years is noteworthy. In relation to 2016, imports increased by 10.0 million tons and in 2018 amounted to as much as 16.1 million tons. The article also discusses the geographical structure of coal imports to Poland by railway border crossings and seaports.

While in the United States Polish newspapers and magazines began to spring up in the late 19th century, in Russia the Polish diaspora did not produce their own press until the early 20th century. This article surveys the contents of three periodicals and other publications produced by Polonia associations in Krasnodar, Zheleznovodsk and Stavropol in Southern Russia.

A longstanding folk tradition among rural Russian peasants, ulichnye familii (‘street surnames’) were used by Doukhobors colloquially ‘on the street’ of a village to distinguish among families sharing the same official surname. Similar to Quebecois dit names and Scottish sept names, ulichnye familii arose because of the low surname stock within Doukhobor society. Passed down to succeeding generations and transferred between settlements, these names became a recognized form of address among Doukhobors, helping structure kinship networks and organize social interactions among villagers. When a large contingent of Doukhobors emigrated from the Caucasus to the Canadian prairies in 1899, they continued this naming practice in their settlements well into the early 20th century. A ubiquitous part of their culture for generations, today ulichnye familii have all but disappeared among Doukhobors, as a result of their assimilation, dispersal and modernization. This article offers an analysis of the Doukhobor anthroponymic custom of ulichnye familii: the social factors leading to their adoption; the etymological processes through which these names were formed; the manner in which they were used and transmitted; and the elements contributing to their eventual decline and disuse. It also includes an inventory of extant ulichnye familii among the Doukhobors of the Caucasus and Canada, obtained through extensive fi eld interviews and archival research.

Artykuł stanowi analizę decyzyjną partnerstwa energetycznego Federacji Rosyjskiej z Republiką Federalną Niemiec oraz Republiką Francuską. Analizie zostały poddane determinanty wpływające na charakter obustronnej współpracy. Praca ukazuje występujące zależności energetyczne z perspektywy wybranych państw oraz cele polityki Federacji Rosyjskiej, a także odpowiada na pytanie o przyczynę podejmowanych działań. Celem pracy jest również analiza korelacji zachodzącej między pozycją polityczną państwa w UE a charakterem partnerstwa energetycznego z Rosją, jak również analiza sektorów gazu ziemnego poszczególnych państw.

The paper describes the political use of symbols of childhood and orphanhood in the current policy of the Russian authorities. At the beginning of the Bolshevik regime, homeless children (bezprizorni) became a subject of interest for the security apparatus organized by F. Dzerzhinsky. At that time, A. Makarenko developed his innovative pedagogical approach. These activities were designed to create a “new Soviet man”. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia again faced the problem of homeless children. After several years, however, children and orphans are now being used as a symbol of vulnerability in the government policy of the Kremlin. As an answer to the so-called “Magnitsky Act”, the Russian authorities implemented the “DimaYakovlev law” prohibiting adoptions of Russian children to the United States. In addition to this, the child as a symbol of innocence and vulnerability is an invariant element in the policy of the Russian authorities. This combines symbolism associated with bravery, dedication and sacrifice, allowing justification of the current political course of power in Russia.

The article discusses views and the ideological evolution carried out by Pitirim Alexandrovich Sorokin, a Russian-American sociologist, philosopher and political activist. Influenced by his observations of the events of 1917, Sorokin radically reformulated his opinions about Marx and Marxism which resulted in his espousing of a traditionalist and anti-revolutionary position. He still shared with Marx his negative diagnosis of the modern world, but proposed a different solution as a remedy. His solution was a purification of the idea of equality by liberating it from reductive materialism. Nevertheless Sorokin’s concept of spiritual equality was as utopian as Marx’s. He presented his ideas in a littleknown novel titled: Предтеча (or Прачечная человеческих душ – ‘предтеча’ means ‘ancestor’ and is commonly referred to John the Baptist). This work is a signal for Sorokin’s denial of Marx’s ideas and his revolutionary zeal.

The action of Vladimir Khotinenko’s 1612 (2007) takes place in Time of Troubles (1605-1613). Polish hetman’s love affair with Tsarevna is shown in the context of the fi ght for power. Various genre patterns, among others the melodrama code. The historical myths serving the contemporary national propaganda. 1612 allows us to see how Russians use the pop culture to create the myths combining the history with the contemporary political needs.

In the article, basing on quotes from Polish fi lms made after 1990, author reconstructs a linguistic picture of Russia and Russians. In all analysed fi lms, regardless of their artistic value, picture of our eastern neighbours is mostly simplifi ed and stereotypised. We observe “secondary stereotypisation of stereotype”. These actions are taken to strengthen autostereotype of Poland and Pole, they are used in national psychotherapy.

Artykuł charakteryzuje stan badań nad eurazjatyzmem międzywojennym w Polsce współczesnej. Omawia dorobek Romana Bäckera, Ryszada Paradowskiego, Iwony Massaki, Lucjana Suchanka, Andrzeja de Lazari, Sławomira Mazurka i innych.

The article examines the relationship between Russians and Stalinism through the Polish lens. The analysis centers around the issues of remembrance and oblivion, two thought processes that are merely superficially contradictory. The author is interested in problems of “power over memory” and “erasing memory” characteristic of non-democratic orders. Within the scope of interest, there is also the cultivation of the heroic myth associated with World War II, including the attitude towards Stalin-the-Victor. Another point of focus is the Russian society’s remembrance/forgetfulness regarding Stalin’s Great Terror and the atrocity of Gulags, as well as its collective reluctance towards founding a national community on the remembrance of Stalinist repressions. The author refers to many authors, among which there are Jacek Hugo-Bader, Mariusz Wilk and Wacław Radziwinowicz.

There is a growing interest in new transportation routes that combine benefits of shorter distances, cost-effective transits and routes not troubled by maritime security concerns. The Northwest Passage offers a package of routes through the Canadian maritime zone; it is 9,000 km shorter than the Panama Canal route and 17,000 km shorter than the Cape Horn route. The Northern Sea Route shortens a Hamburg-Yokohama voyage by 4,800 miles, in comparison with the Suez Canal route. The transpolar route, if it materializes with an ice-free Central Arctic Ocean route, would shorten distances even further. Given the increase in regional and international navigation and shipping in the region, it is therefore not surprising that in recent years Arctic States and international bodies focused on the needs of enhanced safety and environmental standards for polar shipping. In addition to the dedicated domestic polar shipping regulation, primarily in Canada and the Russian Federation, the Arctic Council and International Maritime Organization (IMO) have launched important initiatives. The most important is establishing of international rules for ships operating in polar waters – The Polar Code.