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Abstract

This article analyses the amendments of January 2018 to the Act on the Institute of National Remembrance (INR) of 1998, which has raised doubts in light of in ternational law and provoked diplomatic tensions between Poland on one side and Germany, Ukraine, United States of America and Israel on the other. The INR is a national in stitution whose role is, among others, to prosecute perpetrators of in ternational crimes committed between 1917-1990. The article proves that the wording of the amendments is in consistent with in ternational law, as it ignores the principles of in ternational responsibility, definitions of in ternational crimes, and disproportionately limits freedom of expression. In consequence, it cannot be expected that third states will cooperate with Poland in the execution of responsibility for violation of the newly adopted norms.

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Authors and Affiliations

Patrycja Grzebyk
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Abstract

Why do some people call into question the methodology of science and its achievements? Why are such opinions garnering public interest and even support, even though their arguments are primitive and disconnected from the facts?
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Authors and Affiliations

Jerzy Kołodziejczak
1

  1. PAS Institute of Physics
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Abstract

The subject of this article is an analysis of the earliest of Karl Marx’s articles, Comments on the Latest Prussian Censorship Instruction. The essence of his views presented in that article was to protest against the restriction of the right to free expression of opinions by journalists. Marx pointed out that the new Prussian Censorship Instruction only seemed to liberalize censorship, but in fact in many aspects tightened the rules, for example, reinforced those that pertained to religious criticism. He thought that the Prussian Censorship Instruction was not an enactment of law, because by limiting freedom, lawmakers acted against the essence of the press, law and state. Marx thought that a press law was needed to guarantee freedom of the press and that censorship should be abolished entirely.

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Authors and Affiliations

Marta Baranowska
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Abstract

John Rawls’s idea of the ‘veil of ignorance’ offers an opportunity to reflect on liberal‑democratic freedom of speech. Rawls’s method is to make political rules a priori, i.e. to give them the status of general principles hopefully applicable in most cases of real life. The rules of liberal‑democratic justice are formal in a way that makes them comparable to rules of formal logic. Encouraged by this similarity, we may ask: What logical form should be given to publicly discussed opinions allowed in a liberal democracy – when ‘allowed’ is meant in its legal or moral sense? The opinions expressed in the form of the particular judgment („Some S’s are P’s”) should obviously be always allowed in a public debate. But we must note that liberal democracies of our time tend to be more and more essentialist in the matter of ‘political correctness’. However, it is dangerous for law and political decisions to follow this new form of social prejudice. Liberal democracy turns in such circumstances into ‘ideological democracy’, and therefore becomes one that is no longer ‘liberal’. The opinions expressed in the form of general judgments („All S’s are P’s”) should always be permitted in public debate but only as a rhetorical (or emphatic) way of presenting personal beliefs. We should not try to make a political use of the logical ‘principle of double negation’. In logic, it is natural to assume that „Every S is P” implies that „No S is not‑P”. But in politics every citizen should be allowed to say instead that „Some S’s are not‑P’s”. The rules of law and political correctness must not restrict our freedom in this respect.
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Bibliography

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Authors and Affiliations

Łukasz Kowalik
1
ORCID: ORCID

  1. Uniwersytet Warszawski, Wydział Filozofii, Redakcja „Przeglądu Filozoficznego”, ul. Krakowskie Przedmieście 3, 00-927 Warszawa
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Abstract

The article asks the questions:
– How far can the authorities interfere with freedom of speech/freedom of scientific research? By what means and how can one effectively defend oneself against direct and indirect interference and manipulation?
– Can it be punished if someone considers the results of research to violate his or her personal rights (an open catalog: e.g. good name, cult of the deceased, or even “the right to national identity and pride”)? Is it then possible to demand withdrawal/correction of the scientist's findings or compensation?
Today, threats to the freedom of scientific research are made not so much by censoring science as by threatening the autonomy of universities; controlling the conditions of doing science (its dissemination); discouraging certain topics; self-censorship caused by a chilling effect. This is dangerous in flawed democracies, where no attention is paid to pluralism in the exercise of freedom and to ensuring some minimum protection of minority interests and proclaimed views. And at the same time in poor countries, where little resources are allocated to science, which induces the phenomenon of “chasing away from the bowl” and “rewarding with a better bowl”. Money allocated to science is a very effective means of both promoting and eliminating views. The existence of this phenomenon increases the perceived threat to freedom, even without explicitly encroaching on it (the chilling effect). Freedom of speech, freedom of scientific research are exposed to a specific threat conducted on attacks and an attempt to limit or even eliminate them – paradoxically – in the name of allegedly threatened pluralism of ideas and views. In this situation, the attackers use the idea of protecting individual freedom for expansive purposes. Not in the name of freedom of expression of one's own axiology, but in the name of forbidding this expression to others.
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Authors and Affiliations

Ewa Łętowska
1

  1. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN

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