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Abstract

The aim of the paper is to assess the feminist potential of political liberalism, as the latter was defined by Charles Larmore and John Rawls. The analysis focuses on liberal feminism to determine whether it would be more convincing if it became politico-liberal feminism. This problem is addressed with reference to two authors – Martha C. Nussbaum and Susan Moller Okin – the former being an advocate and the latter a critic of the liberal feminism and political liberalism merger. It is argued that Okin’s worries about this combination are justified. However, the conclusion is that Okin’s criticism emphasises the necessity and possibility of the revision of political liberalism – as a possible background of liberal feminism and a general orientation in political philosophy.

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Authors and Affiliations

Urszula Lisowska
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Abstract

The author presents Norman Davies' conception of a "Nation" which is based on multicultural assumptions. This idea is next contrasted with the nationalistic notions, which still dominate in national historiographies.
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Authors and Affiliations

Agieszka Polak
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Abstract

Roger Scruton repudiates the idea that civil liberty is a natural and unconditionally desirable state of citizenry, while subjection is something degrading and unnatural. He characterizes the conservative political system as a ‘rule by institutions’ supported by a theory of nature and a theory describing the functioning of institutions. National politics results from operations of social and political institutions which have grown out of traditional arrangements, respect raison d’État, and are governed by offices. The author argues that this is a sound interpretation of essential political arrangements, if it can solve the problem of political reconstruction after a period of decline or disintegration. As a matter of fact Scruton offers such a solution in his analysis of various forms of liberalism, one of which he seems to identify with conservatism.

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Authors and Affiliations

Jacek Hołówka
ORCID: ORCID
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Abstract

The aim of the article is to present the views of Andrzej Walicki on the heritage of the Russian and Polish intelligentsia. His interest in the history of this social group resulted not only from the need for empathic understanding of its worldview(s), but above all from his pursuit of his own self‑definition and the desire to outline his life program. He believed that the main merit of the Russian intelligentsia was the ethos of sacrifice for the lower classes and the experienced imperative to ‘redeem’ the historical blame of the privileged classes. The main contribution of the Polish intelligentsia was the desire to include the lower classes in the modern political community – with the view to creating a civil nation. According to Walicki, the political breakthrough after 1989, along with the ‘shock therapy’, regrettably supported by a majority of the Polish intelligentsia, resulted for many people from the working class in a real pauperization and a major loss of life stability. The necessity to return to the traditional ethos of intelligentsia was (and is) the only way to restore in the social upper strata a sense of responsibility for the lower classes and a willingness to empower them to shape future social relationships.
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Bibliography

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Walicki A. (2005), Zarys myśli rosyjskiej. Od Oświecenia do renesansu religijno-filozoficznego, Kraków: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego.
Walicki A. (2007), O inteligencji, liberalizmach i o Rosji, Kraków: Universitas.
Walicki A. (2009), Prace wybrane, red. A. Mencwel, t. 1: Naród, nacjonalizm, patriotyzm, Kraków: Universitas.
Walicki A. (2010), Idee i ludzie. Próba autobiografii, Warszawa: Aspra JR.
Walicki A. (2011), Prace wybrane, red. A. Mencwel, t. 3: Stanisław Brzozowski – drogi myśli, Kraków: Universitas.
Walicki A. (2013), Dwa oblicza Hercena: filozofia wolności i „rosyjska idea”, „Przegląd Filozoficzny – Nowa Seria” 3.
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Authors and Affiliations

Maria M. Przeciszewska
1
ORCID: ORCID

  1. Fundacja Augusta hr. Cieszkowskiego, ul. Mianowskiego 15/65, 02-044 Warszawa
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Abstract

In this article, I am trying to enquire briefly into a certain issue that was, in a way, the hallmark of Andrzej Walicki’s worldview. The issue concerns his interpretation of freedom, and above all, his preference for negative freedom („freedom from”), which epitomized liberalism, against the concept of positive freedom („freedom to”), which for Walicki was a systemic and pernicious encumbrance in Marxism. However, in his later works, Walicki nuanced his opinions and paid more attention to the weaknesses of liberalism arising from its inability to absorb some aspects of positive freedom associated with contemporary ideas inspired by Marxism.
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Authors and Affiliations

Janusz Dobieszewski
1
ORCID: ORCID

  1. Uniwersytet Warszawski, Wydział Filozofii, ul. Krakowskie Przedmieście 3, 00‑047 Warszawa
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Abstract

The idea that everyone should accept the terms of a contract, provided that others do so, is the core normative idea of John Rawls’s doctrine of social justice, presented in his major books: A Theory of Justice and Political Liberalism. In the present paper I argue that the principle of reciprocity makes it possible for Rawls to intertwine coherently two competing thought streams in the liberal tradition – the first one focusing on economic equality and the second one rooted in liberty. The idea of reciprocity adopted with the intention of satisfying the ideal of reasonableness in a well‑ordered society is the foundation of a genuine acceptance of the political conception of justice and of the civic ties and civic friendship. However, the historical and cultural analysis supports the conclusion that the Rawls’s project is buttressed by multigenerational experience of the discipline and ethos of the free market economy, which has not been openly endorsed by Rawls. Without support from such experience social solidarity within ethically neutral institutions would be hard to achieve unless it is expressed in terms of communitarian, patriotic or religious values.
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Bibliography

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Authors and Affiliations

Dariusz Dańkowski SJ
1
ORCID: ORCID

  1. Akademia Ignatianum w Krakowie, ul. Kopernika 26, 31‑501 Kraków
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Abstract

In this article I present an outline of selected feminist critiques of John Rawls’s theory. I limit myself to four problems: the concept of the social contract and the individual (C. Pateman), the concept of moral development (C. Gilligan) and the critique of the concept of justice (M. Nussbaum, N. Fraser). I offer an opinion on the undiminished relevance of the problems posed by these feminists.
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Bibliography

Fraser N. (2014), Drogi feminizmu. Od kapitalizmu państwowego do neoliberalnego kryzysu, przeł. A. Weseli, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Krytyki Politycznej.
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Pateman C. (2014), Kontrakt płci, przeł. J. Mikos, Warszawa: Czarna Owca.
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Rawls J. (1994), Teoria sprawiedliwości, przeł. M. Panufnik, J. Pasek, A. Romaniuk, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN.
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Wysobłocki T. (2014), Obywatelki. Kobiety w przestrzeni publicznej we Francji przełomu wieków XVIII i XIX, Kraków: Universitas.
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Authors and Affiliations

Magdalena Środa
1
ORCID: ORCID

  1. Uniwersytet Warszawski, Wydział Filozofii, ul. Krakowskie Przedmieście 3, 00‑927 Warszawa
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Abstract

Ayn Rand (1905–1982) była przedstawicielką amerykańskiego liberalizmu radykalnego czy też libertarianizmu. W swoich dziełach filozoficznych, politologicznych, ale także w powieściach, esejach i felietonach publicystycznych wyłożyła podstawy swojej filozofii politycznej. Tę filozofię polityczną określiła mianem „obiektywizmu”. System obiektywistyczny Rand opiera się na szeregu fundamentów aksjologicznych. Jednym z nich jest rozum, któremu odpowiada cnota racjonalności. Celem niniejszego tekstu jest ukazanie, w jaki sposób Rand interpretowała rozum oraz racjonalność, a także w jaki sposób oba te elementy determinowały podstawy jej filozofii politycznej.
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Authors and Affiliations

Sławomir Drelich
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Abstract

The issue of rationality and the term itself appear in the works of John Rawls, for instance in his famous volume A Theory of Justice. At the same time, in another of his books, Political Liberalism, we can find not only the correlated terms ‘rational’, but also the term ‘reasonable’. In that volume Rawls enlightens their meaning. In this article, the author analyses the terms mentioned more closely and reflects on their use in various contexts. The explanatory hypothesis adopted by the author is that the use of these two terms, not just one of them, may enrich our conceptual network and increase the possibilities of analysing the sphere of human action. The aim of the analyses is to confirm this hypothesis and to extract the specific sense of the term ‘reasonable’, and of its use, especially in Rawls’s Political Liberalism.
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Bibliography

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Authors and Affiliations

Ryszard Kleszcz
1
ORCID: ORCID

  1. Uniwersytet Łódzki, Instytut Filozofii, ul. Lindleya 3/5, 90-131 Łódź
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Abstract

My current considerations concern the way in which the category of animals is present in contemporary philosophy, especially if it occurs in the context of moral philosophy and the theory of cognition and mind. These are, I suppose, the areas of inquiry inspiring wide interest, even if we focus on the narrow question of the place of animals in the domains of morality, cognition, and consciousness. Although John Rawls himself approaches these issues with caution, and his interest in these types of problems is marginal, they deserve some philosophical attention. There is a close relationship between the belief that non‑personal living entities such as animals are capable of feeling pain and pleasure on the one hand, and the human sensitivity or social sentience, on the other. We should face the question of what kind of society we want to live in: effective or sensitive. Ethical utilitarianism is in favor of an effective society. It may seem that there is no place for social sensitivity in it, and consequently that public interest is postulated in its place instead. However, I believe that an effective society is more sensitive to the harm done to or the plight suffered by non‑personal subjects than a sensitive society, if the latter is understood as Rawls frames it. Thus, we come to a specific paradox – which I shall refer to as the blunted sentience paradox – that the utilitarian, efficient society criticized by Rawls is in fact more morally sensitive than the egalitarian society he postulates. The paradox of the blunted sentience has its source in Rawls’s egalitarianism, for this egalitarianism is offered only to the chosen. It does not extend to those members of society who extend their care to those creatures whom Rawls denies subjectivity, but whose unhappiness constitutes an important factor in the social life of humanity. I propose to look at the fate of animals in modern society, and if we do so, we will notice some flaws in Rawls’s theory of justice that can perhaps be amended by espousing some aspects of emotivism. This proposed approach avoids what I have called the blunted sentience paradox.
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Bibliography

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Authors and Affiliations

Adriana Schetz
1
ORCID: ORCID

  1. Uniwersytet Szczeciński, Instytut Filozofii i Kognitywistyki, ul. Krakowska 71–79, 71-017 Szczecin
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Abstract

John Rawls’s theory is blamed by political realism for adopting the position of political moralism, i.e. for subordinating politics to morality and understanding political phi-losophy as applied ethics. This article addresses these charges. It addresses a number of issues: How does Rawls understand politics? Does he understand it at all? Does the theory of liberalism realistically describe democracies? What is its normative character? In what sense is it a ‘realist utopia’? By posing these questions this paper analyzes the self‑limiting, restrained character of political liberalism, which is a result of the realistic recognition of the fact of pluralism of reasonable doctrines in modern liberal societies. It is pointed out, however, that liberalism is not conceived as a self‑limiting political liberalism of Rawls, but as a ‘comprehensive doctrine’ that constitutes a unified ideological foundation for modern ‘liberal democracy’. The self‑limitation of liberalism cannot be sustained in this way, however, as is evidenced by the fact that Rawls’s theory attempting to separate the political sphere from the ‘background culture’ has clearly failed.
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Bibliography

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Authors and Affiliations

Zdzisław Krasnodębski
1 2
ORCID: ORCID

  1. Akademia Ignatianum w Krakowie, Instytut Nauk o Polityce i Administracji, ul. Kopernika 26, 31‑501 Kraków
  2. Universität Bremen, FB 8 Sozialwissenschaften, Bibliothekstraße 1, 28359 Bremen, Niemcy
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Abstract

The paper discusses political philosophy of Bogusław Wolniewicz. The leading idea of his general philosophy was rationalism of a specific type that he called ‘tychistic’ (meaning ‘based on fate’), or ‘transcendental’ (meaning ‘transgressing the limits of nature by reliance on human reason’). This self-description presents Wolniewicz as an author respecting his Christian background, though personally he did not espouse the complete body of precepts postulated by the Church. As a nonconfessional catholic he spoke in favor of Christian civilization which he identified with Western culture. This led him to the reject of liberalism, libertarianism and leftist ideologies. He wanted to be perceived as a democrat who supported civil and republican democracy based on the virtue of patriotism. He emphasized the essentiality of the possession of its own political state by each independent nation, and the most important circle of loyalty was for him a national community. Thus he undertook to defend a conception of cautious xenophobia that was expurgated of hate but dedicated to the defense of a national territory.

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Authors and Affiliations

Jacek Bartyzel
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Abstract

John Rawls’s idea of the ‘veil of ignorance’ offers an opportunity to reflect on liberal‑democratic freedom of speech. Rawls’s method is to make political rules a priori, i.e. to give them the status of general principles hopefully applicable in most cases of real life. The rules of liberal‑democratic justice are formal in a way that makes them comparable to rules of formal logic. Encouraged by this similarity, we may ask: What logical form should be given to publicly discussed opinions allowed in a liberal democracy – when ‘allowed’ is meant in its legal or moral sense? The opinions expressed in the form of the particular judgment („Some S’s are P’s”) should obviously be always allowed in a public debate. But we must note that liberal democracies of our time tend to be more and more essentialist in the matter of ‘political correctness’. However, it is dangerous for law and political decisions to follow this new form of social prejudice. Liberal democracy turns in such circumstances into ‘ideological democracy’, and therefore becomes one that is no longer ‘liberal’. The opinions expressed in the form of general judgments („All S’s are P’s”) should always be permitted in public debate but only as a rhetorical (or emphatic) way of presenting personal beliefs. We should not try to make a political use of the logical ‘principle of double negation’. In logic, it is natural to assume that „Every S is P” implies that „No S is not‑P”. But in politics every citizen should be allowed to say instead that „Some S’s are not‑P’s”. The rules of law and political correctness must not restrict our freedom in this respect.
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Authors and Affiliations

Łukasz Kowalik
1
ORCID: ORCID

  1. Uniwersytet Warszawski, Wydział Filozofii, Redakcja „Przeglądu Filozoficznego”, ul. Krakowskie Przedmieście 3, 00-927 Warszawa
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Abstract

The paper attempts to place John Rawls’s social theory in an ontological frame of ideas. Józef M. Bocheński’s theory of systems was chosen to describe social reality without prejudging its role in the adequate theory. By adopting this approach the author presents several issues one by one: the characteristics of political philosophy and its relation to the ontology of social reality, Bocheński’s systems theory, the analysis of the industrial enterprise as a model example of a heterogeneous, dynamic and organic system, and Rawls’s structure of society. All this is done in terms of systems theory. The resulting outcome provides, among other things, a formal definition of Rawls’s basic social structure expressed in the language of systems theory, and it supports the thesis that the synthetic entity responsible for social functioning, such as the state, is correlated with the principles of justice as proposed by Rawls.
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Authors and Affiliations

Janusz Kaczmarek
1
ORCID: ORCID

  1. Uniwersytet Łódzki, Instytut Filozofii, ul. Lindleya 3/5, 90-131 Łódź
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Abstract

This article deals primarily with La quistione polacca, an anthology of historical documents on Poland after the partitions compiled by Giorgio d’Acandia. Ever since its publication in 1916, in Italy this book has remained an important source of information about Poland and manifest proof of reciprocity of the Polish-Italian relations. Its direct effect was to raise the awareness of ‘the Polish question’ among the Italian politicians and to help them make up their minds about the justness of the struggle for Poland’s independence. The article assesses the content of the book and the selection criteria of its texts. It also presents a profile of the author Umberto Zanotti Bianco (Giorgio d’Acandia was a pseudonym), which features his contacts with Attilio Begey and the community of Italian polonophiles, his interest in Polish literature and culture, his worldview, grounded in Christianity, and, last not least, his philanthropic work and political activities.
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Authors and Affiliations

Olga Płaszczewska
1
ORCID: ORCID

  1. Wydział Polonistyki Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, Kraków

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