There is no agreement on the etymology and meaning of Phoen. ḥsp in the Aḥirom sarcophagus inscription, but the corresponding Egyptian verb ḥsb, “to break”, may help to resolve both issues. In support, several other words where Eg. /b/ corresponds to Semitic /p/ are discussed.

On January 14, 2011, Zayn al-‘Ābidīn Bin ‘Alī resigned, left Tunisia and took refuge in Saudi Arabia following the revolts born in Sīdi Būzīd after the suicide of Bū-‘Azīzī. The Arab Spring in Tunisia was not a popular uprising perpetrated by the lower class and the unemployed young people: the committees of the lawyers and the magistrates who joined the protests, proved the active participation of the middle class. However, the Revolution did not alleviate the popular unrest, and it did not reduce the social imbalances. The diastratic varieties, already existing before the Revolution, are the linguistic reflection of the social situation. After 2011 the main actors of the protests, proceeding from the lowest and youngest class, came back to the Ḥū ma, the ghetto, in which anger and frustration flourish. The description of the life in the Ḥūma, has become the main topic of many songs written by the new generation of Tunisian artists who sing in the slang of the lower class. Despite they proceed from the upper class, they have become the spokesmen of the malaise that hovers in the poor neighborhoods. Guerrero (2012) analysed linguistically Rāyǝs lǝ-Blād, a song by the Tunisian rapper El Général, appeared on internet on February 8th, 2011, few days before the escape of Bǝn ԑAlī. Rāyǝs lǝ-Blād is an example of the artistic denunciation of the political oppression and the social degradation. The songs of artists such as Kafon, Hamzaoui Med Amin and Balti, which appeared after the Revolution instead, are not acts of protest, they just represent the ordinary life of the ūlād ǝl-Ḥūma in the ghetto. What linguistic dynamics are put in place by these singers? After a historical-etymological reconstruction related to the word Ḥūma, it will be shown how this group of artists practiced, on the one hand, the divergence with respect to the prestigious variety of the capital, on the other, the convergence towards the language of the tunisian poorest class.

In this brief article five bronze fibulae, being exposed in the museum of Şanlıurfa and belonging to the Iron Age, will be presented. At least two of these five were found at Lidar Höyük.

In the artcile the author deals with a controversis between the Turkologist, Mongolist, Tungusologist and Altaicist G. Doerfer and the Turkologist O.F. Sertkaya from the years 1983–1991. The whole matter was starting with a paper written by Doerfer to demonstrate the principles of writing reviews which led to the unnecessary dispute between the two scholars based on deeeply misunderstandings.

This contribution aims at presenting the arguments produced by Arabic grammarians in the discussion on the ẓarf. By providing different viewpoints, the paper addresses various aspects of the issue, focusing in particular on its definition(s) and features, as well as its collocation within the overall Arabic grammatical system.

Five years ago Vasilis Orfanos published an excellent monograph on the Turkish lexical borrowings attested in the Cretan dialect of Modern Greek (Orfanos 2014). In this paper the present authors increase the number of the possible Cretan Turkisms, providing and explaining additional items not listed in Orfanos’s book.

In halachic give-and-take conversations in the Mishnah and Tosefta, the sages-interlocutors use the a fortiori (qal-vaxomer) arguments. Following the previous description of a fortiori arguments that appear in the halachic give-and-take conversations in the Mishnah (Shemesh-Raiskin 2019, pp. 132–164), this article presents a corresponding description of those arguments in the Tosefta. Chapter 2 presents the inventory of arguments in both compilations. In the various sections of Chapter 3 the discourse features of the arguments are described: elements that precede the a fortiori arguments (3.1), additions to the a fortiori arguments (3.2), responses to the arguments (3.3), and additions that appear after the arguments (3.4). In general, it was found that these elements are used more in the Tosefta than in the Mishnah. Chapter 4 presents the syntactic patterns of the a fortiori arguments in the halachic give-and-take conversations in the Mishnah and Tosefta. From the patterns which were found by Azar (1991) in his article about the a fortiori arguments in the Mishnah, the most frequent pattern in the arguments in both compilations isאינו

דין + ש-מ 2 ([= (and) what if + S1 + is it not logical + that-S2]), whereas the pattern

מה) אם + מ 1 (חיובי) + מ 2 (שלילי: לא + יפעל) ) ([= (what) if + S1 (positive) + S2 (negative:

no + Yif‘al)])

די is frequent only in the Mishnah. Another structure that appears in both compilations, is used to reject arguments, and is the most frequent of all the structures – ? לא, אם אמרת/אמרתם ב+צ"ש 1 + ש-מ 1 + תאמר/תאמרו ב+צ"ש 2 + ש-מ 2 ([= No, if you (sing./pl.) have said in+NP1 + that-S1 + will you (sing./pl.) say in+NP2 + that-S2]).

This article shows that Classical Arabic expresses verbal number. Arabic, of all the Semitic language family, meets the typological tests of the languages expressing verbal number. In addition, I will show that Classical Arabic provides a morphological verb form to express number. I will, however, show that for the form to express verbal number it requires a combination of morphological and semantic conditions. Without which the designated form does not express number, but expresses transitivity or the transfer of agency. These conditions are: form II must come from a root that has a form I, form I must be the transitive meaning of the root and the root must express an instant action. Form II, therefore, does not exclusively express number. Verbal number in Arabic is conditional. However, I will also propose that when form II verb expresses number, it does not express the transfer of agency.

I am going to collect dispersed items of information which clearly refer or seem to be suggestive of the Aeolic, Pergamene or Attalid school of art historians which developed in the first half of the 2nd century BC and discuss their idiosyncratic methods and original contribution to the Greek intellectual life of the Hellenistic period. Even the fragmentary history of the Attalid art collections which can be reconstructed from the archaeological data and the scarce information in the literary sources shows that the collections grew as a result of various factors: 1. wartime robbery. 2. purchases of artworks. 3. a well‑thought out programme of reproducing original Greek artworks. The Attalids must have had professional art historians at their side as consultants. We can identify two of them by name: Antigonus of Karystos and Polemon of Ilion. A number of passages testify to a lively academic debate between them. In the course of their professional polemics they discussed the problems of authorship and authenticity of artworks, they adduced biographical details in their efforts to establish the personal identities of the artists and paid tribute to their heroes with colourful anecdotes. They attributed artworks to alternative authors. They also constructed complicated genealogical trees of schools of painting and sculpture, along the principle of master/pupil relations. Their epigraphic studies must have been inspired and influenced by the editors of the Aeolic Archaic poets.

Powerful European countries in late 18th and early 19th centuries supported religious minorities and expanded missionaries’ activities, thus paving the way for social changes and evolutions. Having understood international circumstances and internal situations, Iranian Jews took influential and useful steps in changing social system. The Qajar Dynasty, in line with the demands of international Jew institutions, agreed with the establishment of new Jew institutions. The present paper tries to find an answer to this question: How did the Jews change their social system during the mentioned period? The paper hypothesis is that with the support of their international institutions as well as powerful European countries, the Jews urged Qajar Dynasty to provide a suitable background for the evolution of their social system.