Kto i w jaki sposób rozmawiał przed wiekami o polskiej polityce? Jaki był język dyskursu, do jakich wartości się odwoływał? I jakie państwo opisywał?

For at least two centuries Europeans, in particular the political elites of Europe, have assumed that modernity and the rational character of the civilization require a marginalization of religion. A separation and juxtaposition of reason and faith, sci-ence and religion or the state and the church are regarded as almost obvious. Gradual-ly the legitimate principle of religious freedom has started to be understood as a pos-tulate of “purification” of public life from any references to sacrum and religion itself as an area of irrational and random opinions has been located in the private sphere. This has led to the conviction that religion (Christianity) does not have or should not have any significance in social life, the public order, the legal system or the widely understood political sphere . The central issue of the paper, which is the possibility of reversing the direction taken by European civilization, is conditioned not only by making the secularist policy of the West more friendly towards Christian tradition (for instance by grounding it on natural law) but still more by the revitalization of religious life of the Churches and Christian communities.

The article contains preliminary considerations on the principles of the standardization of geographical names in Poland, in particular the names of physiographic objects. The notion of a country’s language policy has been referred to as one of its tools is the standardization of geographical names. The general objectives of the Polish language policy were listed as such: the assertion of legal status of the Polish language as the first language in Poland; the assertion of conditions for the development of national and ethnic minority languages in the country; the construction of a Polish- language national and state community. Legal acts concerning Polish language and geographical nomenclature were indicated. It was stated that the assumed effect of political and linguistic actions should be to develop a nomenclature in correct Polish, one which is pragmatically effective, rooted in tradition and, as a result of this study, one should expect to achieve an optimal course of the language communication process in each communicative community. Then, the criteria of the linguistic correctness of geographical names applied to date were discussed and similarities indicated in the standardization procedure with regards to geonyms and specialist terms. The rules of the detailed standardization procedure will be presented in the second part of the article

Artykuł prezentuje praktyki działania związane z politykami HIV/AIDS, wprowadzając emiczną kategorię lawirowania. Lawirowanie oznacza, z jednej strony, ciągłe weryfikowanie, negocjowanie i potwierdzanie możliwości działania oraz ich granic w danym polu. Z drugiej uwypukla aktywną stronę zaangażowania, działanie „mimo” i w kontekście przeciwności. Autorka opiera rozważania na badaniach jakościowych. Wykorzystując antropologiczną koncepcję światów polityki jako metodę analizy i rozumienia pojęcia polityki społecznej, demonstruje, jak owe polityki są przeżywane, negocjowane i podtrzymywane przez różnych aktorów społecznych. Polem analizy są działania związane z używaniem prezerwatywy w profilaktyce oraz praktyki podejmowane w kontekście ograniczonych środków finansowych na działania społeczne.

The mineral resources security is the most current and important problem. In the age of minerals, each deposit can be a source of an impulse for the development of innovative technologies. For this aim we should look for the rational and optimal management of resources. However, this is not a simple task, as indicated by subsequent years without the national mineral policy. The difficulty in securing deposits lies mainly in the complexity of this topic. It requires developing a vision, taking a direction, building appropriate tools and implementing them consistently. The article presents the current problems in the field of securing deposits against the announced national mineral policy. The authors reach for the analyses which were made in recent years regarding the country’s raw material management and indicate the scope of activities that should be taken to secure the deposits. What are the tasks in the draft of mineral policy and what is the scope of activities to secure the deposits that should be taken. The securing of deposits is primarily understanding the possibility of development deposits by their extraction. Therefore, it is misleading and inadequate to apply the term „resources pro-tection”. According to the authors it builds an unnecessary conflict between the mining industry and natural scientists who want to preserve the environmental resources untouched. The article also points out the main areas of action needed to effectively secure the resources, and also gives outline the solutions. Valorization works, preceded by verification of the quality of the geological documentations are of great importance for the creation of effective tools to protect resources. The result of these activities should be the long-awaited ranking list of deposits. Subsequently, the authors of the article suggest legislative changes in the field of spa-tial planning and environmental procedures.

Observing the situation in the power industry it is easy to see that there are very deep changes in it. They rely primarily on moving away from conventional energy to renewable energy. This is particularly the case for energy in the European Union. Europe strives to be a forerunner in renewable technologies and a leader in the fight against global warming. The mining industry is being abolished and coal-fired power stations are being displaced by renewable energy sources. This situation is not only a result of EU directives but also of grassroots social initiatives inspired by environmental groups. The new lignite openings are being blocked, due to the lack of public acceptance, and the construction of conventional power plants. They do not help economic arguments for the development of energy based on coal, lignite, fuel that is significantly cheaper than the other, or to provide potential investors with the creation of new jobs. Also, coal investments are suspended in other regions of the world. CoalSwarm coal research shows that 2016 saw a dramatic fall in the amount of coal investment in the world. Even in China and India, where most of the coal industry has developed in recent years, about 100 investments have been suspended. The situation in the US is unclear. Although Barack Obama signed the Paris Agreement, current United States President Donal Trump has spoken out about this agreement and in numerous speeches and is eager to return to the dominant role of coal in the American economy. Poland still maintains the carbon structure of the power industry, but the Minister of Energy has announced that the new block at the Ostrołęka power plant will be the last coal-fired power plant to be built in Poland. This statement allows us to believe that there may be a return to Poland’s energy policy in the nearest future, and the long-awaited document, Poland’s energy policy until 2050, will determine the direction of change for the coming years.

This article focuses on the original writing strategy of Elfriede Jelinek in the period of her political commitment (around the year 2000) as a form of artistic protest and positioning in the literary field. Particularly important in this context seems to be the question of the aesthetic criteria of committed literature, that is, the way writers use their linguistic capital to create valuable and important literary texts or essayistic discourses.

One of the major subjects that construct the emotional right-wing script is the history of the postwar Polish independence Underground and the related present-day politics and historical policy. The analysis of the right-wing press enables the distinction of four temporal categories to which specific toposes can be assigned as well as the moulded emotional elements: 1) the period of struggle, 2) the period of imprisonment and possible death, 3) the period of the Third Republic [of Poland], and 4) the period from the victory of the Law and Justice party (PiS) in the parliamentary elections until the present.

The public and, above all, scientists clearly emphasize that the cause of global climate change caused mainly by carbon dioxide emissions is, above all, human activity and its combined emission. It is associated with the processes of fuel combustion in the energy, industry and transport, as well as with poverty being the main cause of difficulties in meeting basic energy needs in households and the incorrect way of heating them. The public is often made aware that the climate should be protected and at the same time convinced that global warming has no impact on the everyday lives of Poles. Meanwhile, Poland, due to the high share of coal in the energy sector, is indicated as one of the main culprits of carbon dioxide emissions in the European Union and exposed as a significant shareholder of climate change causing global warming. The aim of the work is to show the opinions of young people aged 15–24, in terms of their awareness of the human impact on climate change and indication of desirable directions of the modern energy policy, defining the level of support for these directions, which will significantly contribute to the reduction of carbon dioxide emissions.

The research conducted among young people shows that it is aware of the consequences of climate change, especially on a global scale, and to a much lesser extent in Poland, and still less in the Podkarpackie province. The studied youth emphasizes that climate change is currently one of the greatest threats, but it is one of many threats.

The young people emphasize that the energy policy in Poland should aim at the better utilization and reduction of energy consumption as well as increasing the share of energy based on renewable energy sources, associated mainly with public health protection, reduction of air pollution, as well as the energy security of the country. Young people show a lack of determination regarding the use of nuclear power plants, where we see supporters and opponents of this source of electricity in a similar relationship.

The study consists of three parts. The first comprises the characteristic features of social politics strategy. They include the basic assumptions and functions of the social politics strategy in the field of the development of education and aid activities at the level of local units of territorial authorities. The essence of the study is the second part. It consists of the own research results – an analysis of the aims and tasks associated with inclusive education (also with preparing local communities for creating inclusive culture), comprised in strategies. The whole is completed with final conclusions. The study is aimed at the qualitative analysis of the development strategy of 17 communes (3900 pages of documents) as regards the issues of disability. The research interest was to find out whether the slogans promoting the equal access to education, elimination of barriers and preparing mainstream schools and local community for inclusive culture had been reflected in any way in the social politics strategies of local authorities – in the documents which, at least in the assumptions, constitute the starting point for generating good practices, also in the field of social support and education for disabled learners.

The author of the article is aimed at reconstructing the concept of academic freedom as a base of university existence, regarding both its didactic and research function. The author takes into account various definitions of academic freedom and analyzes areas and dimensions, especially its institutional (university) and individual (professor) level. He reconstructs also controversies which are exposed in discussions on academic freedom and arguments regarding its limitations. He considers the phenomenon of actuarial policy and various forms of academic competition. He puts question: does the concept of academic freedom can be still vivid in the time of growing commercialization of didactits and research functions of contemporary university as well as its growing dependance on economy and politics?

The first Mineral Policy in Poland was prepared in 1938. In that time The Mineral Policy was primarily dedicated to preparing Poland for a defensive war. The Central Geology Authority (CGA) was created in 1991. The main task of this Authority was preparation plans (annual and multiannual) of geological-exploration. The CGA’s activities were focused on enhancing the resource base of mineral deposits. As of 1985 the coordination of geological tasks is the main duty of the Chief Geologist of the country. In 1996 the Council of Ministers adopted a document called State policy in the field of mineral resources, prepared at the Ministry of Environmental Protection, Natural Resources and Forestry as well as the Ministry of Industry and Trade. In 2015 a wide public discussion about the need to develop a mineral raw materials policy, initiated by the publication of three analytical documents prepared by the Demos Foundation, Professor J. Hausner and the Ministry of the Environment took place. Milestones in the development of a national mineral raw materials policy was the establishment of the special government’s plenipotentiary as well as the inter-ministerial team for mineral raw materials policy. In 2018, The Mineral Raw Materials Policy was transferred for public consultation. This document is the first document that is so comprehensive and holistic from the point of view of national mineral security interests. The Mineral Raw Materials Policy is based on 9 substantial pillars among them: economical and legal basis of mineral sector activities, investment risk, geological prospection and exploration, utilization of mineral wastes.

The energy security of the European Union is still a concept, rather than the actual action. It was confirmed by legal regulations that give Member States the possibility of individual control of energy security. Furthermore, EU Member States can perform unilateral energy policy, which is often in the interest of the most powerful countries. The concept of energy solidarity, solidarity mechanisms of energy flows directly from the Treaty of Maastricht. This was intended to help to increase energy security, and above all, its construction at the EU level. The functioning of the European Communities and the European Union is showing that the goal of building energy security of the European Union is still in the process of creation and still remain a certain course of action. Following th energy crisis of 2009 we can observe discussion about the concept of energy union, as a way to build energy security of the European Union. Currently, its energy security is limited to the definition adopted by the European Commission and activities aimed at the development of energy infrastructure of Community interest, which contributes to improving EU energy security. The aim of this article is analyze the concept of energy union and attempt to answer the question whether it has a real chance of success, and whether the concept of the proposed shape will be effective and necessary. These questions are important because of we can observe discrepancies between the regulations, promotion of building a common energy security and the practical action of individual Member States of the European Union.

In the 21th century we can observe a return to Marx, particularly in the circles of New Left. A critical approach to the legacy of Karl Marx implies a readiness to revise or even reject the false or no longer valid propositions of Marx in order to be able to confront his legacy with the current state of contemporary science. Some of his views have already been definitely rejected (particularly the theory of revolution and of the dictatorship of proletariat). But a part of his contribution remains valid: (1) the philosophy of praxis, i.e. a theory oriented toward a social change, and (2) the sociological theory that interprets politics in terms of class interests.

The article is a brief presentation of the relationship between the politics of memory and Facebook. This type of connection advantages aestheticism, pictures and emotional infl uence but discounts traditional instruments modelling collective memory. The article focuses on the answer to the question of how a popular culture aesthetic infi ltrates and changes the politics of memory.