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Number of results: 47
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Abstract

Law is grounded in time and is constantly shaped by historical circumstances. Treaties, produced by voluntary acts at a given point in time, remain generally in force without a formal endpoint, while customary law arises from practice and lacks specific points of departure and conclusion. Through the practice of their application, both treaties and customary law may change their content and meaning to a far greater extent than domestic rules. Generally, international law resists retroactive application. However the recognition of sovereign equality to all States in the process of decolonization represents an example of profound change. While the problems deriving from armed conflict and former colonial domination must be assessed by the standards of their epoch and not by having recourse to the rules and principles of our time, at the same time it must be borne in mind that many of the acts considered perfectly lawful when they occurred were marred by deep injustices, producing effects which need to be addressed by the law of our time.
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Authors and Affiliations

Christian Tomuschat
1

  1. Professor emeritus. Dr.-Dr. h.c. mult. (Zürich and Tartu), Humboldt University Berlin, Faulty of Law
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Abstract

This article explores whether the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) is identical with pre-war Germany. The question is relevant for the understanding of the 1970 Treaty of Warsaw, because in the event it is identical, the FRG would be the predecessor State of Poland with regard to the former German territories east of the Oder-Neisse line and, therefore, competent to renounce any territorial title. By contrast, in the case of non-identity the FRG would only have been a third State with regard to these territories. However, even in case of identity, the scope of the Treaty of Warsaw seems ambiguous due to Allied reservations. Hence, it was wise to confirm the transfer of sovereignty in 1990.
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Authors and Affiliations

Robert Uerpmann-Wittzack
1
ORCID: ORCID

  1. Professor of Public and International Law, University of Regensburg
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Abstract

The 1970 Warsaw Treaty lists a number of unilateral declarations, primarily on the part of the Federal Republic of Germany. Nowadays, in view of the fundamentally changed circumstances between Germany and Poland, these declarations no longer play a significant role. Nevertheless, it is interesting to dogmatically examine them, not only for legal historical reasons but also based on the acknowledged principle that the understanding of the present is always shaped by the past. This contribution aims to meet this challenge.
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Authors and Affiliations

Stefanie Schmahl
1

  1. Prof. Dr. Full Professor of German and foreign public law, public international law and European law, Julius-Maximilians-University of Würzburg (Germany)
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Abstract

The article takes the renewed demands of the Polish government as an opportunity to examine the question of whether Germany is obliged to pay reparations to Poland. Based on an analysis of the international agreements concluded since 1945, it can be shown that the Polish government’s demands on Germany are unfounded.
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Authors and Affiliations

Stephan Hobe
1

  1. Professor, Dr. h.c., Director of the Institute for Air Law, Space Law and Cyber Law, University of Cologne (Cologne)
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Abstract

The essence of the “border problem” between Poland and the FRG reaches back to the provisions of the Potsdam Agreement of 1945. The Polish position was unambiguous from the beginning: the border on the Odra and Nysa Łużycka rivers was established under international law in the Potsdam Agreement, while the subsequent actions undertaken within the framework of the “peace settlement” could only have complementary, declaratory significance. On the other hand, in the FRG an official legal position was developed according to which the former eastern German territories were only given to Poland (and the USSR) “under their administration”, and the final decision on the border was left to be taken by the future unified Germany in a “peace treaty” or a “peace settlement”. This position was not changed by the Normalization Treaty between Poland and the FRG of 1970, because it was interpreted in the FRG as only a “treaty about the renunciation of force”, an element of a modus vivendi which was to last until the unification of Germany. On the other hand, the Zgorzelec Treaty of 1950 between Poland and the GDR was interpreted as not binding for the future unified Germany. Such a position deeply destabilized political relations between the FRG and Poland in the post-war period and had a conflict-generating significance in a number of areas. At the beginning of 1990 the political changes in Poland coincided with the process of German unification. The democratic opposition in Poland, and thereafter the government of Tadeusz Mazowiecki, unequivocally supported the right of the German people to self-determination, at the same time expecting an unequivocal position on the Polish-German border. This fundamental problem was closed in 1990 under two international agreements: the Treaty on the Final Settlement with Respect to Germany (2+4 Treaty) and the Treaty between the Federal Republic of Germany (united Germany) and the Republic of Poland on the confirmation of the border between them. Thus for thirty-plus years now the “border problem” has been removed from the agenda of political discussions in Polish-German relations, which proves the effectiveness and durability of the agreement reached, which was reflected in both treaties.
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Authors and Affiliations

Jan Barcz
1 2
ORCID: ORCID

  1. Professor of International Law and the Law of EU, Kozminski University (Warsaw)
  2. Member of the Team Europe (Poland) and the Conference of the Ambassadors of the Republic of Poland
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Abstract

This contribution discusses the unresolved claims of Poland and Germany arising from the destruction, removal, and appropriation of cultural property during and immediately following the Second World War; viewed against the background of the 50th anniversary of the 1970 Warsaw Treaty and the 30th anniversary of the 1990 2+4 Treaty. It provides an analysis of the extent to which these and other bilateral treaties between Germany and Poland impose legal obligations to restore or compensate for the destruction or loss of cultural property. Finally, it suggests pragmatic solutions to overcome the convoluted political, diplomatic and legal debates in the spirit of “cultural internationalism” and in line with the proposals of the Copernicus Group of Polish and German historians.
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Authors and Affiliations

Hans-Georg Dederer
1
ORCID: ORCID
Markus P. Beham
1
ORCID: ORCID

  1. University of Passau (Passau)
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Abstract

The issue of war reparations was a subject of controversy in Polish-German relations for a long time. This was due to the position of the Federal Republic of Germany that this issue had been deferred to the moment of German unification. The German concept of reparations also included the individual claims of Polish victims of National Socialism (Nazism). The case for interstate reparations from Germany to Poland was closed as a result of the Polish waiver of 1953, while the issue of individual compensation for Polish victims was symbolically resolved as a result of agreements between Poland and the Federal Republic of Germany only in 1990 and 2000. The scope and amount of any new payments depends on the agreements of particular countries or organizations with the Federal Republic of Germany. As long as the victims are still alive, new pragmatic solutions should not be ruled out.
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Authors and Affiliations

Jerzy Kranz
1 2

  1. Kozminski University (Warsaw)
  2. former ambassador in Germany and Undersecretaryof State at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
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Abstract

The Western boundary of Poland was established by the Potsdam Agreement of 1945 and confirmed by the Boundary Agreement between Poland and the GDR of Gőrlitz of 1950. Poland exercised administration with respect to the adjudicated territories, but she made efforts to get the boundary recognized and confirmed by the FRG. This happened on the basis of the Warsaw Treaty of 1970. Boundary treaties are usually considered as objective regimes. It is disputable whether the Warsaw Treaty of 1970 can be classified as such a regime.
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Authors and Affiliations

Władysław Czapliński
1
ORCID: ORCID

  1. Professor, Institute of Law Studies, Polish Academy of Sciences (Warsaw)
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Abstract

In this article, I present a proposal for an international law-based formula for mediating territorial conflicts and apply it to the case of Crimea in Ukraine. Although the tragic Russian attack which commenced on 24 February 2022 has made the mediation even more difficult, once a ceasefire is achieved my formula is capable of providing legally solid compromises to the Ukrainian territorial questions that fit into the contemporary international legal framework concerning territory. Naturally, any realistic solution will require concessions on the part of all stakeholders (primarily Crimea, Ukraine, and Russia). In short, the formula offers for Ukraine the return of its territorial integrity, for Crimea internal self-determination in the form of a meaningful territorial autonomy, and for Russia a few indirect perks and guarantees, mostly related to a possible demilitarization of the Crimean Peninsula. The analysis can also be useful for Donbas, for which the formula offers recognition of some limited autonomous rights.
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Authors and Affiliations

Tero Lundstedt
1
ORCID: ORCID

  1. Ph.D., Research Affiliate, Erik Castrén Institute of International Law and Human Rights (Finland)
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Abstract

The aim of this article is to assess the military operation started on 24 February 2022 by Russia against Ukraine in light of the law on use of force, having in mind all the justifications officially expressed by Russian authorities and in light of international humanitarian law. The author claims that there is no justification for the Russian military action and thus it must be qualified as aggression. This, due to the serious violation of the peremptory norm, implies obligations on the part of states and international organizations (i.e. the international community). In addition, the current conduct of hostilities clearly shows that it is mainly Russian forces which neglect international humanitarian law principles, which might amount to war crimes.
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Authors and Affiliations

Patrycja Grzebyk
1
ORCID: ORCID

  1. Associate Professor (dr habil.), Faculty of Political Science and International Studies, University of Warsaw
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Abstract

In the summer of 2021 deliberate actions by the Belarusian state authorities led to a huge increase of people irregularly crossing the border from Belarus to Poland. Instead of addressing this humanitarian crisis, the Polish government responded with actions that were in violation of its international obligations and domestic law. Among these measures was carrying out “pushbacks” and grounding them in Polish domestic law. “Pushbacks” are the practice of returning people to the border without assessing their individual situation. The formalization of those practices in 2021 was done within two legal frameworks; one interim and one permanent. They continue to function in parallel while containing different provisions. This article assesses the two frameworks’ compatibility with domestic and international law and concludes that they both violate domestic and international rules. In the context of EU law, the article demonstrates the incompatibility of the two frameworks with the so-called Asylum Procedures Directive and Return Directive. The article further argues that the pushbacks violate the European Convention of Human Rights and would not fall within the exceptions to the prohibition of collective expulsions.
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Authors and Affiliations

Grażyna Baranowska
1 2
ORCID: ORCID

  1. Assistant professor (dr.), Institute of Law Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences (Warsaw)
  2. Marie Skłodowska-Curie Fellow at Hertie School
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Abstract

The Holocaust constitutes one of the most powerful symbols in the history of humankind. Its memory, and in particular its irrefutable relationship with anti-Semitism, should trigger strict scrutiny every time anti-Semitic attitudes re-emerge, even if disguised as seemingly harmless words or actions. This applies also to legal measures, neutral on their face but which, in their consequences, may have an adverse effect on Jews, and thus raise the suspicion of anti-Semitic implications. Such implications are visible in the recent phenomena that serve as the two case studies for the present article: boycotts of Israel and bans on ritual slaughter (Shechita). While in the case of anti- Israeli boycotts, the core arguments relate to international anti-discrimination law and policies, in relations to the Shechita bans claims about violation of the religious freedom of observant Jews prevail. At the same time, in both cases strong references to the Holocaust and the memory of its victims are being invoked, allowing one to raise objections as to the status of the relevant legal developments. Here again history and memory enter into the public and legal discussions, legislative processes, and courtrooms.
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Authors and Affiliations

Aleksandra Gliszczyńska-Grabias
1
ORCID: ORCID

  1. Assistant professor, Institute of Law Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences (Warsaw)
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Abstract

This article focuses on the problems of jurisdiction in cross-border civil proceedings concerning an alleged violation of personality rights. There are no specific rules on jurisdiction for such torts in European Union law. In the current case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), Art. 7(2) of the Brussels I bis Regulation is applicable to such disputes. Nevertheless, the authors argue that the CJEU has misinterpreted this article when the claim is based on violation of personality rights, and has thus created a legal chaos in such disputes. The authors analyse the peculiarities of Internet infringements and the locus delicti connecting factor in the case law of the CJEU in this area. The Court has adopted the criterion of ‘centre of interests’ as the major connecting factor to establish international jurisdiction. The authors criticize this approach and argue that it has led to a structural misunderstanding of the infringement of personality rights. Finally, the authors propose a new rule on jurisdiction in cases concerning violation of personality rights, which should be established in the Brussels I bis Regulation to ensure legal certainty and proper international dispute settlement.
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Authors and Affiliations

Marek Świerczyński
1
ORCID: ORCID
Remigijus Jokubauskas
2
ORCID: ORCID

  1. Professor, Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University (Warsaw)
  2. Associate Professor, Mykolas Romeris University (Vilnius)
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Abstract

The anniversaries of the 1970 Warsaw and the 1990 2+4 Treaties give occasion to revisit the matter of minority protection in German-Polish relations. The interwar system established a problematic unevenness that tainted its acceptance, particularly from the Polish perspective. After 1990 the minority issues achieved an increased, albeit moderate, relevance in German-Polish relations. To some extent the 1991 Polish-German Treaty on Good Neighbourly Relations and Friendly Co-operation retains the unevenness of the inter-war period, as Art. 20(1) recognizes a German minority in Poland, but refuses to acknowledge a Polish minority in Germany. However, currently the thorniest issues concern various situations related to the “Silesians” in Poland, which the Polish government does not recognize as a protected minority under the European Council Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities.
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Authors and Affiliations

Andreas Kulick
1 2

  1. Dr. iur. habil., Senior Research Fellow, Eberhard Karls University Tübingen
  2. Visiting Professor, University of Potsdam

Authors and Affiliations

Dorota Pyć
ORCID: ORCID
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Abstract

The purpose of this publication is to briefly present selected issues, that have been the subject of the work of the International Maritime Publication in the last two years. For IMO this was a period when the organization had to face very serious consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic. It influenced not only the fate of thousands seafarers in this industry, but also the functioning of the Organization itself, forcing to adopt innovative and unprecedented solutions. Their effects are still clearly felt and have an impact on the current as well as future work. Authors would like to draw the attention, inter alia, on issues that have become pivotal in this difficult time and others that focus particularly on aspects related to seafarers’ rights, autonomous ships, fraudulent registration and fraudulent registries of ships, increasing safety in shipping, facilitating maritime trade and protection of maritime environment. Simultaneously, it is worth stressing out that the list of important issues presented in this paper is not exhaustive. The article also briefly presents the organizational structure of IMO.
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Bibliography

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Authors and Affiliations

Aleksandra Lubowska
1 2
Karolina Sypion-Babś
3 4

  1. Zastępca Kierownika Ośrodka ds. IMO przy Polskim Rejestrze Statków S.A., Gdańsk
  2. Przewodnicząca Krajowej Sekcji Bezpieczeństwa na Morzu w Ośrodku ds. IMO, Gdańsk
  3. specjalista Ośrodka ds. IMO przy Polskim Rejestrze Statków S.A., Gdańsk
  4. Przewodnicząca Krajowej Sekcji Prawnej w Ośrodku ds. IMO, Gdańsk
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Abstract

The article presents EU law perspective on current functional problems of agreements in the maritime transport sector. The high level of integration of the shipping market largest players significantly affects their trade relations with other participants of transport chains and with port terminal operators. The rapid digital transformation of transport and logistics is a new phenomenon facilitating co-operation between competitors on an unprecedented scale, but also posing serious risks. The big players adopting specific technological solutions force smaller contractors in logistics chain to use the same IT systems and software they chose. The authors discuss the impact of digital transformation and new technologies on the competition in the maritime transport. Such analysis is done in the light of comprehensive review of EU competition law in the context the super platforms data processing in a post-pandemic reality.
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Authors and Affiliations

Iwona Zużewicz-Wiewiórowska
1
ORCID: ORCID
Wojciech Wiewiórowski
2
ORCID: ORCID

  1. Katedra Prawa Morskiego, Wydział Prawa i Administracji Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego, Gdańsk
  2. Katedra Informatyki Prawniczej, Wydział Prawa i Administracji Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego, Gdańsk
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Abstract

The ceiling of the Pantheon in Nieborów’s Temple of Diana, with its scene of Aurora riding Apollo’s horses, became the basis for the identification of Masonic elements in the iconographic program of the Temple and the whole Arcadian park. The scene acquired a symbolic meaning as the end of a period of darkness and the beginning of an era of Enlightenment and reason. As a result, the symbolism of the Temple and the park became strongly associated with the cult of Nature and reason, which underpin the Masonic ideology and more widely the Enlightenment. Yet linking the mythological figures of Aurora and Apollo with the light of reason and the worship of Nature, and thereby the promotion of equality, clashes with potential reasons for the naming of the Temple after Diana, Apollo’s sister and one of the twins who killed twelve or even fourteen of Niobe’s children. We know that Princess Helena Radziwiłł, the founder of Arcadia, had three daughters who died prematurely, and the tragedy of Niobe must have been felt as her own. So what reasons could there be to worship this goddess, the bearer of death, who was also a personification of the night, symbolizing, as we know, superstition and ignorance? In order to minimise this contradiction in the interpretation of the program, researchers concluded that the Temple and park’s symbolism was from the start infused with elements that were elegiac, serious and melancholy, with the sadness resulting from the Princess’s obsession with death that had troubled her from the start. The Arcadian park would then be conceived as a cemetery, a mausoleum for her dead daughters and for her own tomb. The Baroque motto Et in Arcadia ego (death is even in Arcadia) was transformed into an affirmation of the omnipresence of death. Thus the Baroque memento mori has overshadowed the optimism of the Enlightenment. In order to combat this contradiction, the author invokes the eighteenth-century cult of Nature and the features associated with her personification, which since the Renaissance took the form of the multi-breasted Artemis of the Ephesians, a goddess quite unlike Apollo’s sister, who was hostile to men and a bearer of death. Ephesia was in fact the heiress to the Eastern Great Mother Goddess, who in the XVI–XVIII centuries was usually confused with Isis, the Lady of Ten Thousand Names and the Empress of the four elements, a loving sister and wife who restored life to the assassinated Osiris. She also embodied the loving and caring Nature, playing a fundamental role in eighteenth-century Masonic ideology. It was her embodiment of Nature that provided a source of beauty, wisdom and justice and above all love. Thus she represents a force that brings back life from the emptiness of death, a force granting men optimism, willpower and the gift of creation. Acceptance of her eternal laws bestows on men an inner balance and peace. Princess Helena’s wish that her final resting place be in the Arcadian park stemmed from the hope of rebirth by Nature-Isis and of overcoming the fatal irreversibility of death. She was drawing on a belief that hearkened back to the primordial times of Egyptian religion, according to Warsaw’s followers of royal art.
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Witold Dobrowolski
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Abstract

Tematem artykułu jest analiza prac dwóch znaczących artystek wywodzących się z irańskiej diaspory: pracuj ącej w USA Shirin Neshat i mieszkającej w Niemczech Parastou Forouhar. Uczestniczą one w procesie redefiniowania przez sztukę współczesną reprezentacji islamu, a szczególnie kobiet muzułmanek, biorą udział w publicznych debatach, jakie wyłoniły się po rewolucji irańskiej 1979 r. i nasiliły od czasu ataków terrorystycznych 11 września 2001 r. Shirin Neshat i Parastou Forouhar zwracają uwagę na „kulurowy imperializm” świata zachodniego, ukazując głęboko zakorzenione dychotomie, które polaryzują pojmowanie kultury Zachodu i Wschodu według przeciwnych kategorii, takich jak tradycja – nowoczesność, opresja – wolność, fundamentalizm – sekularyzacja, czy zacofanie – cywilizacja. Operując na granicy tych pojęć, obie artystki celowo łączą i kontrastują ze sobą spolaryzowane tematy, praktyki i symbole kulturowe, wzięte z tradycji perskich, muzułmańskich i zachodnich, bezustannie rekonfigurując oś czasowo-przestrzenną, aby umożliwić myślenie niedialektyczne, otwarte na nowe, dynamiczne i płynne pojmowanie podmiotu. Używając postmodernistycznych strategii, takich jak ironia, zapożyczenie i dekonstrukcja, Neshat i Forouhar starają się rozbić hegemoniczne dyskursy szyickiego islamu, zachodniego orientalizmu i neokolonializmu. Można stwierdzić, że w ten sposób wprowadzają one treść swojej sztuki w tak zwaną trzecią przestrzeń zdefiniowaną przez postkolonialnego teoretyka Homi Bhabhę, teren kontestacji i subwersji homogenicznych pojęć kulturowych, ukazujących procesy hybrydyzacji, ambiwalencji, negocjacji i translacji. Jest to również obszar tworzenia tak zwanych między-przestrzeni (in-between space), gdzie można uniknąć utrwalonych binaryzmów i rozumienia współczesnych kultur jako czegoś „autentycznego” lub „czystego”, szczególnie w czasach nasilających się procesów globalizacji. Neshat i Forouhar fragmentaryzują, rozpraszają i decentralizują dominujące dyskursy reprezentacji, określające tradycyjną perską kulturę, współczesną politykę irańską oraz mocno utrwalone i uproszczone wizerunki muzułmańskich kobiet, ukazując tworzenie się nowych i nieodwracalnych transnacjonalnych znaczeń i powiązań między Iranem/Wschodem i Zachodem, które kontestują ściśle określone kategorie etniczne, narodowościowe, płciowe i uporządkowane kulturowe paradygmaty
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Joanna Inglot
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Abstract

My study of Józef Mehoffer’s famous painting Strange Garden, 1903, represents a departure from the polemics that argue that it was meant to depict the artist’s happy family life. I am not saying that the painter lacked happiness, only that his painting had another meaning. In my analysis of the structure of the image, I refer to the distinct painterly treatment of the dragonfly, as compared to the garden and the figures, often remarked upon by art critics and researchers. By focussing on the relationship between the depicted scene and the surface and boundary of the picture, and thus on the identification of the strictly painterly aspects of the work, my analysis led me to the conclusion that the painting contains a coded reference to the biblical story of the Creation of the world and of man’ s salvation. The woman picking an apple can be interpreted as Eve, whilst another woman in the background serves as her mirror image, and as indicated by the withered branches, represents the figure of humanity marked by mortality as a consequence of original sin. The figure of the naked boy radiating his “own” light can be interpreted as the child born of Mary – the New Eve – the miracle child bringing salvation. The elements connecting these three characters and stages of the holy story are garlands of flowers, which I interpret as inspired by the garlands of flowers in the early modern representations of Virgin Mary (among others by Jan Brueghel the Elder). The dragonfly, which does not fit in with the rest of the scene, almost as if it were added later, can be read as an allusion to a new way of defining Nature, which came into conflict with the biblical interpretation during the 19th century following the emergence of theories of evolution, in particular Charles Darwin’s ideas. The dragonfly was most probably inspired by illustrations in contemporary books on natural sciences. The dispute between Christian doctrine and Darwinism, well-known to Mehoffer, presented the most serious challenge to the human mind at the time of Strange Garden, comparable to the Copernican revolution. The present painting is an outstanding pictorial testimony to the spiritual condition of the contemporary man.
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Authors and Affiliations

Haake Michał

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