In the broad spectrum of Bertrand Russell’s interests the socio‑political issues had a special role. The possibility of peaceful global co‑existence was most important to him. Occasionally he took part in the disputes between West and East accepting the role of a mediator. He saw a chance for peace in the creation of a world government. Kant had proposed a similar project of a supranational community and hoped it could result in the emergence of a global society, embracing all nations. With this achievement in place, the project of ‘eternal peace’ could be completed, he hoped. In this way, relying on ethical and legal principles, Kant designed a permanent international peace alliance.

This article discusses definitions of crimes included into the Act of 18 December 1998 on the Institute of National Remembrance – Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation, and their usefulness in prosecuting individuals who committed international crimes. It is argued that the provisions of the Act cannot constitute a ground for criminal responsibility of individuals, as they violate the principle of nullum crimen sine lege certa.

The text considers the concept of engaged philosophy of health protection. The recognized precursor of this philosophy is Julian Aleksandrowicz, a Polish doctor and humanist. Moral problems of the contemporary world, developed in the aspect of ultratechnology and information, are a discursive background of the presented analysis. The paper highlights a need of revaluating the neopositivitist legacy and systemic projects of pro-health methodology. The methodology includes the ideas of health protection at the individual’s level as well as of implementing order and peace in global society. According to this concept the aim can be achieved through integrating the scientific–technical revolution with the humanistic one and with the holistic interpretation of health. Health is defined in the category of emergent, dynamic and vital whole, reached as a synergic effect. In the model of the engaged philosophy the idea of self-creation assumes the value of „subjective health,” its counterweight is “objectified disease.” It is not indifferent to the ethical dimension of choice between life or death, determined in the character of an exclusive alternative. The study uses the method of qualitative research. The basic theses of engaged philosophy , defined in the light of the health care problem have been justified.

The international community has repeatedly committed to the implementation of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda (WPS) initiated by UN Security Council Resolution 1325. Yet progress on the ground has been slow and sporadic, which can also be seen in the Ukrainian peace process starting from 2014. This article looks at the different areas of inclusion of women in both policy and practice, in order to highlight the existing discrepancies and draw attention to the need to improve the international community’s approach to inclusion. The role of the different international actors (e.g. UN, EU, NATO, OSCE) is assessed in terms of their contribution to or emphasis on the need for inclusion. The article also aims to illustrate how international law and policy can be utilised by civil society activists in order to implement inclusion in practice, thereby highlighting the potential for international legal norms to positively impact enhancement of the position of women in (post)conflict situations around the world.

Benedict XVI, as the Supreme Shepherd of the Church and the head of the Vatican state (Vatican City), maintained contacts with representatives of the authorities of Muslim countries or those dominated by Islamic culture. He supported and built good relations between representatives of different religions, including Islam, through openness and honesty in the interreligious dialogue and bearing witness to the essential values of Christianity and Islam – justice and peace. In the article, we indicated the essence, purpose and challenges of interreligious dialogue, especially dialogue with Islam. People and environments involved in its conduct should be guided by the idea of searching for the true good of man and society. At the same time, it is important to remain faithful to one’s own religious identity, especially on the doctrinal level. Dialogue, in fact, should aim, first of all, at seeking the truth and bearing witness to it. This will only be possible if you respect your own faith and show respect for the identity of the followers of Islam. In the dialogue with Islam, the most important is Almighty God, who must be given his rightful place. For faith in one God obliges His believers to be responsible for peace. Benedict XVI’s theory of dialogue found confirmation in the papal meetings, either with the “world of Islam” or with various bodies (ecclesiastical, political, people involved in the so-called dialogue of specialists). For Benedict XVI, the most important criterion for dialogue was fidelity to Christian identity.

The article explores war as a perplexing social phenomenon, one that often appears more enticing to mankind than peace despite the numerous advantages attributed to the latter, as exemplified in the writings of Hesiod. The origins of war remain somewhat enigmatic, but evidence of its existence can be traced back to Paleo-lithic settlements and ancient texts like the Epic of Gilgamesh. After the abandonment of divine laws, we find ourselves in a world see-mingly devoid of rules, witnessing a growing state of anarchy in in-ternational relations, a trend that has intensified since the early 21st century, culminating in Putin’s 2022 attack on Ukraine. Some phi-losophers, such as Umberto Eco, argue that humanity has entered a new era akin to the “Middle Ages” characterized by the resur-gence of private violence and the proliferation of religious and civil wars. Former ceasefires have given way to “cold wars” which, re-grettably, still have the propensity to escalate into “hot wars” as seen in the full-scale war in Ukraine. Furthermore, the current interna-tional landscape is overshadowed by the specter of nuclear deter-rence, where a precarious balance of fear prevails. Additionally, assumptions about the brevity of contemporary wars and the immi-nent return of refugees, which were advocated until very recently, now face reconsideration.

The issue of war reparations was a subject of controversy in Polish-German relations for a long time. This was due to the position of the Federal Republic of Germany that this issue had been deferred to the moment of German unification. The German concept of reparations also included the individual claims of Polish victims of National Socialism (Nazism). The case for interstate reparations from Germany to Poland was closed as a result of the Polish waiver of 1953, while the issue of individual compensation for Polish victims was symbolically resolved as a result of agreements between Poland and the Federal Republic of Germany only in 1990 and 2000. The scope and amount of any new payments depends on the agreements of particular countries or organizations with the Federal Republic of Germany. As long as the victims are still alive, new pragmatic solutions should not be ruled out.

Post-Versailles Europe saw the emergence of new, quasi-state territorial corporations (enjoying a great deal of autonomy, but not sovereignty). These included the Free State of Fiume/Rijeka (1919- 1924), Free City of Danzig/Gdańsk (1920-1939), Free State of Memel/ Klaipeda (which emerged between 1920 and 1923, before being incorporated into Lithuania with partial autonomy still remaining), as well as, slightly later, the autonomous Åland Islands (1922), and the Republic of Hatay (1938-1939). In theory, those international law constructs were supposed to resolve tensions (including those erupting on the grounds of nationality) between neighbours vying for control over strategic territories (and cities). However, they proved to primarily spark new conflicts of varying length. The article constitutes an attempt at comparing the geneses and development of the first three of the abovementioned “free cities”, as well as identifying their role in the newly-formed League of Nations. In addition, the article attempts to determine the degree to which the principle of national self-determination played a role in the establishment of these entities, as well as the methods used to ensure that the national minorities which found themselves within the borders of these “free cities” were protected.